world/regions/sumatra_java/page/sumatra_java_S14.md
CANON SUBORDINATION — this document is PROPOSAL-TIER: it serves canon and never outranks it.
The canon: the CVD · the T1 foundation docs · the T0 registries (registries/) · the spine
(docs/spine/CH_*.md) · the region pages (_source/02_Tier_2_Region_Pages/). Authority order:docs/DOC_MAP.md§ 0.
Canon served (scanned from this document's own citations — widen it by hand where it is thin):
T0_Trade_Registry·_source/02_Tier_2_Region_Pages/angkor_khmer.md
READ THAT CANON FIRST — open it and derive from it before you build anything from this document.
If this document disagrees with canon, CANON WINS and this document is the defect — fix the
document, never the canon. Nothing here is applied until it is ratified into canon.
Home-base trade content: none roots here (Sumatra and Java are a waypoint on the outbound arc, no
returnable home). The trade numbers below are read from the live registry, not assumed:
T0_Trade_Registry carries ten trades, and the seven this region expresses are TRADE_02 Mining
(ancient home Ch 19, Persia, with a Ch 14 Nubia tier seed), TRADE_03 Blacksmithing (ancient home
Ch 7, S India; modern home Ch 60), TRADE_04 Herbalism (ancient home Ch 7, S India; modern home
Ch 50), TRADE_05 Alchemy (ancient home Ch 19, Persia), TRADE_06 Tailoring (ancient home Ch 21,
China), TRADE_08 Engineering (ancient home Ch 27, C Europe), and TRADE_09 Inscription (ancient home
Ch 15 and Ch 29; ancient-only, no modern home). Section 13's typed trade line names Mining,
Blacksmithing and Engineering as the chapter's spine-side seeds; everything below those three is
page-side region substrate, flagged as such, claiming no trade join and no home base.
Two registry facts bind this section before a word of craft goes into it. There is no carving or
woodwork trade in the ten — the roster runs Animal Communication, Mining, Blacksmithing, Herbalism,
Alchemy, Tailoring, Culinary Arts, Engineering, Inscription, and TRADE_10 Fishing and Navigation,
which is one trade under a two-word name and not two — and this region's densest attested craft is
carving, so the carving substrate is distributed across the lanes that already exist rather than
becoming an eleventh trade (see the carving entry below; stated plainly so no later pass mints one
out of the singa heads). And TRADE_09 Inscription is ancient-only, which makes CH_05 one of the few
chapters where a script is a living working system in the player's hands rather than an artifact
behind glass — the region's strongest rewards-intelligence surface, and the reason this section is
dominated by writing.
Anchor convention for this section: SRC_00226 anchors are PRINT folios (the audited offset is
print = PDF minus 2) and SRC_00152, SRC_00158 and SRC_00228 anchors are print with a zero offset.
SRC_00446 and SRC_01758 are cited by title or section without page anchors — SRC_00446's record
stores PDF indices whose relabelling is an open provenance item, and SRC_01758 is a
section-structured essay with no page space at all. No page is cited here that was not read in the
record.
The four routings the section already carried stand and are re-stated with their registry ids:
This is the region's full trade, not a seed: a bark book is made from a felled tree to a finished
object in steps the corpus attests individually, and each step is a playable operation with a real
material reason behind it.
The stock is the inner bark of the eaglewood tree, Aquilaria malaccensis [SRC: SRC_00226 — The Power
of Writing: Batak Manuscripts, print p. 65-67] [SRC: SRC_00158 — Between Mind and Soul, p. 165]. The
inner layer is scraped clear of the outer, dried, its edges cut straight, then levelled and finally
smoothed and polished with leaves such as those of Ficus ampelas — a leaf abrasive, used the way a
cabinetmaker uses a rasp — after which the bark is folded by hand and broken along the folds with a
wooden mallet, into a concertina that can run to sixteen metres in a single sheet [SRC: SRC_00226,
print p. 65-67]. The last step fixes the ink-ground with rice-water or another starch, which is why
a rushed board takes ink badly [SRC: SRC_00226, print p. 65-67]. A blind ruling was sometimes laid
down first with a balobas ruler or a panggorit bamboo knife [SRC: SRC_00226, print p. 65-67].
Wooden covers usually close the folded stack, rarely leather or goatskin, and the front cover may be
painted or carved while the back is generally left plain [SRC: SRC_00226, print p. 65-67]; a fibre
string threaded through two holes in the bottom cover carries and stores the book — the record's own
hedge is that it was probably stored open, hung on a house wall, and the page keeps the hedge rather
than hardening it [SRC: SRC_00158, p. 169]. A plaited rattan band binds the closed book
[SRC: SRC_00226, print p. 65-67]. The Batak name for the bark stock, alim, is a page-side read
carried on page authority pending an anchor; the processed corpus names the tree only by species, so
the term stays out of the glossary list below until a record carries it.
The ink is its own sub-craft and the best small chemistry beat in the region. Resinous Manggistan
wood is burned so its soot deposits on a knife, a sword blade or a potsherd; the soot, baja, is
scraped off and bound with dammar resin and albumin, with floral gums, oils, saps and juices among
the other additives [SRC: SRC_00158, p. 171]. Black is the working ink; red and yellow are reserved
for the illustrations and other decoration [SRC: SRC_00226, print p. 65-67]. The same baja is what
the Batak used to ritually blacken their teeth, so the soot the player renders for a book is legible
again on the faces in the village — one substance, two uses, and a quiet argument that writing is
ordinary here [SRC: SRC_00158, p. 171].
The finished book's quality then gates what it can hold — a poorly prepared board and a wandering
hand cannot carry a long oracle or ward text, so the craft loop and the literacy loop are the same
progression seen from two ends. That gating rule is page-side design built on the attested
materials, not a claim any record makes.
One deep-time tie belongs to a curious player rather than to the crafting UI. The species the book is
made from is Aquilaria malaccensis [SRC: SRC_00158, p. 165]; that species is the agarwood tree, the
source of gaharu, one of the most valuable resins moving through the strait economy this chapter's
whole conflict is about — an identification the harvest carries and the page states on its own
authority, since the manuscript source names the species and says nothing about the resin trade. The
datu's sacred book and the port's premier luxury export are the same species, and the player who
traces the bark finds the sacred and the mercantile rooted in one tree. The bench sites at
samosir_highlands — the datu's writing house and the eaglewood stands above the lake shore, both
inside the zone the Zone Catalog already types for learning and puzzle. No bench sites at
merapi_slopes, which is traversal-only and hosts no primary beat.
Surat Batak is an abugida, and the page treats it as a system to be understood rather than a table
to be looked up. The base letters, ina ni surat, each carry an inherent /a/ and number nineteen
[SRC: SRC_01758 — Sejarah aksara Batak (Kozok), Ina ni Surat]; the script's own self-naming is surat
na sampulu sia, nineteen letters, while the same source supports a count of nineteen to twenty
varying by dialect, and the page ships the range rather than flattening it to the round number
[SRC: SRC_00158, p. 168]. The diacritics, anak ni surat, are counted five in the essay's own opening
line, six in Toba, and eight in the fuller cross-regional set, and the corpus is internally
inconsistent enough that standardizing to any one of those would be a false precision
[SRC: SRC_01758 — Ina ni Surat] [SRC: SRC_00158, p. 168].
What they do is the puzzle, and there are four operations, two of them regionally restricted:
replace the inherent /a/ with a schwa or with /e/, /i/, /o/ or /u/, where the schwa exists in Karo
and Pakpak only; add the nasal /ng/; add the fricative /h/, in Karo, Pakpak and Simalungun
especially; and delete the /a/ outright [SRC: SRC_01758 — Ina ni Surat]. The regional restrictions
are not colour. A Karo or Pakpak passage is unsolvable without the schwa, and a puzzle built on the
Toba set alone will read as broken to the player who reaches the northern hands. Text runs in
continuous horizontal lines, left to right, and ornamental bindu marks divide it rather than
punctuation [SRC: SRC_00158, p. 168].
The medium carries meaning, and this is the second half of the literacy system. Divination and
medicine prescriptions live on bark; stories and laments live on bamboo; and the letters that
survive are on bamboo tubes, which is the load-bearing point — inscribed bamboo letters prove that
reading and writing were not the exclusive privilege of the ritual specialists [SRC: SRC_00228 —
Van der Tuuk's collection of Batak manuscripts, print p. 13, p. 11]. The European-paper manuscripts
in the collections are the exception and were produced at a collector's request, not private
correspondence [SRC: SRC_00228, print p. 14]. There is a spelling layer under that: bark pustaha use
a pan-Batak etymological spelling that travels between regions, while bamboo texts render one
dialect's pronunciation [SRC: SRC_00228, print p. 13]. As a mechanic this is exact — a bark book the
player learns to read in Toba country stays readable further north, and a bamboo text does not,
which gives the literacy progression a real shape instead of a percentage bar.
Regional variants split roughly with the language groups, Northern (Karo, Pakpak-Dairi, the Alas
dialect) against Southern (Simalungun, Toba, Angkola-Mandailing) [SRC: SRC_00228, print p. 10]. The
script's own spread ran south to north, from Mandailing into Toba and Simalungun and only afterward
to Pakpak and Karo, and the corpus's own caution is that diversity often indicates age unless another
factor explains it [SRC: SRC_01758 — Analisis Ina ni Surat, the revised block]. That is the
palaeography the pustaha-recovery branch's hand-forensics rests on, and it is honest about its
ceiling: too few manuscripts can be firmly placed by region, and which letterform a scribe uses
depends heavily on his teacher, so a hand places a book in a range and never on a pinpoint
[SRC: SRC_01758 — Analisis Ina ni Surat]. The Borobudur comparison the chapter opens with — a
pustaha held against Old-Javanese and Sanskrit stone — is the Section 5 and Thread 17 surface and is
cited there to SRC_00158, never to the Van der Tuuk collection article, which carries no Borobudur
material at all.
Inscription in the Batak highland is not bought from a trainer. Hadatuon, the datu's body of
knowledge, passes down a named chain of teachers recorded in the pustaha's own colophon — teacher,
author, and student or commissioner set down at the beginning of the text, so the manuscript is its
own transmission record [SRC: SRC_00228, print p. 12, p. 11]. Access was restricted, and the
restriction is documented internally rather than inferred: the knowledge was expensive to obtain, so
instruction went to the sons of wealthy people, to clan leaders, or to close relatives of a datu
[SRC: SRC_00228, print p. 11]. That is the trade's real gate, and it is a social one — the page's
unlock path is standing with the keepers, not a skill point, and it composes with the
assimilation-integrity mechanic and ws.community_state_per_region rather than with a purchase.
The practice surface below that gate is a bamboo chip used as a stroke-board: bamboo chips served as
scribbling boards for students beginning to study the art of writing, and the page's progression has
the student earn the bark after them [SRC: SRC_00228, print p. 13]. Cheap medium, expensive medium,
in that order, which is how the craft and the literacy lock together. Pustaha Apprentice Siddarta
Sinaga (CHAR_0032) is the page-side tutor already seated in Section 12.
The second learning path is mobile and non-gating. Datus travelled, and their roaming habit is what
blurred the script's regional boundaries in the first place; a wandering datu or guru met on the
highland roads between Toba, Simalungun and the Karo north can teach a regional letter-variant,
opening pustaha the player previously could not read [SRC: SRC_01758 — Analisis Ina ni Surat]. These
teachers are protected knowledge-authorities and allies, held strictly distinct from the one corrupt
individual the chapter's plot turns on; the office is honoured and the man is not. The variant
unlocks are additive and close nothing, per the no-dead-end rule.
Lay literacy has its own expression, and it is Karo, named as Karo. Karo men carved bilang-bilang,
love laments, into bamboo joints, and the corpus offers this as the strongest evidence that reading
and writing reached well past the ritual specialists [SRC: SRC_01758 — Analisis Ina ni Surat]
[SRC: SRC_00228, print p. 13]. The page keeps the attribution exactly where the record puts it: this
is a Karo form on Karo ground, and it reaches the Toba-sphere surface only through a Karo hand or on
the northern road — the wandering-datu path above is the in-fiction carrier. It is never staged as
Samosir or Toba practice, because the corpus explicitly warns that writers tend to generalize the
situation in Toba for all Batak speech communities and that this is the standard error
[SRC: SRC_00228, print p. 15]. As trade content it is an opt-in expression: once literate, the
player can carve a short lament, and the corpus attests the writing of them rather than any public
performance, so nothing is sung. The commissioned-courtship arc built on the same material is
Section 13's and is queued there, not resolved here.
Herbalism gains three concrete surfaces here beyond the materia-medica lore-seed already listed.
The ward gather-and-craft loop is the pagar: a datu's assembled protective charm of plant, fruit and
animal parts, swallowed, hung on a house wall, or sealed into an amulet [SRC: SRC_00158, p. 169]. Run
under the healer Boru Simanjuntak (CHAR_0038) before the night-ward beat, it turns a forage round
directly into the defence of a village, which is the cleanest non-combat use of a trade in the
chapter.
The substitution rite is the porsili: a figurine carved from banana-trunk or sugar-palm in the
likeness of the sick person, offered so the sickness-spirit abandons the body and pounces on the
effigy, which is then hung in a lonely place and abandoned; sili is the tradition's own word for
exchange [SRC: SRC_00226, print p. 68-69]. The legitimate healer's craft and the corrupt datu's are
the same knowledge with opposite intent, and the page stages the contrast that way rather than
tainting the office.
The vessel is a craft object with forensic value: the naga morsarang, a water-buffalo horn incised
with foliate scrollwork, its point carved as a seated figure, its mouth plugged with a singa stopper
and sometimes the earth-lizard Boraspati ni Tano carved inside the bore [SRC: SRC_00446 — Art of
Island Southeast Asia]. Commissioning or restoring one teaches which horn, which stopper-figure and
which interior emblem a legitimate potion-vessel carries — so a defiled or faked vessel reads wrong
at a glance during the SQ4 investigation. The magic staff and medicine-horn names the page glossary
already carries (tunggal panaluan, naga morsarang) are cited to SRC_00446 and never to SRC_00158,
which does not contain either word.
Blade-forging was the Batak blacksmith's foremost task, and the corpus states the reason plainly:
frequent feuding between Batak groups kept demand on metal blades constant [SRC: SRC_00446 — Art of
Island Southeast Asia]. The signature form is the piso sanalenggam, single-edged, its
water-buffalo-horn handle carved as a kneeling human figure and carved by a specialist other than
the smith, associated with the Toba and Pakpak groups [SRC: SRC_00446] — already seated in Section 6
as substrate, and here as the Blacksmithing lane's regional form. One hedge binds and is not
optional: the technique of welding thin strips of steel together is documented for late-nineteenth
and early-twentieth-century examples and is called by the source itself a later development, so the
1200 CE present must not inherit it as ancient, and the page uses the source's own wording — welded
thin strips — rather than calling it pattern-welding, which the record does not support for these
blades. The keris pamor lane and its Ch-7 home are unaffected; that is a separate canon claim
carried in Sections 6 and 9.
Alchemy seats the region's applied chemistry. The Batak made gunpowder from a local sulfur supply
melted down and mixed with powdered charcoal, saltpeter and lime extract [SRC: SRC_00446 — Art of
Island Southeast Asia]. The lime is citrus, not calcium: the juice of the local lime-like fruit was
added to magic potions and to gunpowder to improve their efficacy, and the nineteenth-century German
sources' talk of lemons is a naming artifact of that fruit, which the catalogue corrects in place
[SRC: SRC_00446]. Stating this correctly matters because the trade's whole promise here is that the
science is real — a build that implied quicklime would be teaching false chemistry. The
sulfur-charcoal-saltpeter proportion genuinely governs the burn, so the mixing step is a
real-parameter minigame in which understanding beats memorization, and a good batch improves the
chief's personal charge carried in a carved water-buffalo-horn container worn at the neck
[SRC: SRC_00446].
Two components are the tradition's own reasoning and are staged as such, beside the chemistry rather
than instead of it: shredded leaves gathered during a thunderstorm and herbs harvested during an
earthquake, stored for later use, so the charge would carry the destructive power of thunder and
quake [SRC: SRC_00446]. These become timed foraging beats keyed to seismic and storm weather. Siting
is a correction the audit already made and the page holds: this is a Toba caldera highland tradition
and the craft bench and its gather round seat at samosir_highlands. It is not routed to
merapi_slopes — that zone is traversal-only, and the source's own Merapi is the Minangkabau sacred
mountain of West Sumatra, a third peak distinct from both Java's Mt Merapi and Gunung Marapi. A
builder reading the source cold will conflate them; this line exists so they do not.
Batak cotton was grown in the country, woven at home, and dyed with home-grown indigo, tarum, with
further colours from lakar and other forest woods; the cloth is described as chiefly dark blue with
red and white lines intermixed, coarse in texture [SRC: SRC_00152 — A Malayo-Batak Group of Images
near Aek Tarum (Edwards McKinnon), p. 12]. That is a complete textile chain — fibre, loom, vat and
colourant all local — and it is the Tailoring seed, ahead of the trade's Ch 21 home. The chemistry
underneath is genuine vat-dyeing, indigo reduction and oxidation, and the L3 lane owns it.
One craft distinction survives here that a smoothing pass would destroy. The paint on the region's
stone ancestor images is red and black, from haematite and possibly charcoal or lamp black — the
source's inference from weathered paint, never an assay, and the hedge stays [SRC: SRC_00152, p. 12].
The woven cloth is the dark blue with red and white lines. The stone depicts cloth in the pigments a
carver has, not in the dyes a weaver has, and that is the more interesting observation of the two.
The page states them as two palettes and never merges them. The reading that the river name Aek
Tarum takes its name from the indigo plant is linguistically plausible and probably right, but it is
ours and not the source's; a curious player can be told it is a reading.
The colonial record attached to this same page of the same source is built, not scrubbed, and it is
built as attributed-and-contradicted. Anderson's 1823 account applies a cannibal slur to the people
of the interior; it is reachable by a player who reads the colonial document, attributed on its face
to a named East India Company officer and to the Company's commercial interest in the people it was
trading with, and it is refuted by everything else that same account records — the cotton grown,
woven and dyed at home, and a flourishing trading settlement at Batubara counted at no fewer than
six hundred perahus [SRC: SRC_00152, p. 12]. The refutation and the slur sit on one page in one
document, which is exactly how the defamation gets taught rather than repeated. It is never surfaced
as fact about the community, and it is never narrator voice. Chronology binds the staging: an 1823
document cannot be read in the 1200 CE present, so it is reached through the Section-18 forward
window, as is the market-artefact material below.
The carving substrate is dense and has no lane of its own, so it is distributed and labelled rather
than consolidated. The pustaha's carved front cover and the balobas-and-panggorit toolset belong to
Inscription. The naga morsarang horn-carving and the tunggal panaluan ritual staff belong beside
Herbalism as ritual-container and ritual-object craft, with the staff's figure programme handled as
an iconographic reading and expressly not as a script — the corpus says the carved figures are
generally thought to represent characters in a legend, which is not the same as an inscription, and
routing them to the inscription spine would claim a writing system the source does not show
[SRC: SRC_00446 — Art of Island Southeast Asia]. The singa house-guardian heads tenoned to a great
house's support beams are architectural sculpture and belong to Engineering beside the Section 7
reference-build [SRC: SRC_00446]. And the si gale-gale's mechanism is the region's most striking
piece of applied engineering: a nearly lifesize figure with jointed limbs, mounted on a large
wheeled platform and manipulated by an elaborate system of strings, its movable eyes made of an
unusual lead-and-antimony alloy with pupils of resin — that alloy confirmed by materials analysis —
with a small concealed stick behind the mouth probably meant to work a movable tongue, and a head
cavity that may have held a moist ball of moss or a sponge so the figure could weep [SRC: SRC_00446].
The alloy work is a Blacksmithing surface and the linkage is an Engineering one, and the two hedges
on the tongue and the tears are the catalogue's own and stay. The funerary rite the figure serves is
Section 4's material, not this section's; the one note that must travel with it is that the source's
own wording for its retirement is that the figure was shot and thrown over the village walls, and a
build that euphemizes a living tradition's own act is inflating care, not exercising it.
Trade output needs somewhere to go, and this region's sink is the old trail past Pasaguan, which a
local informant placed on an ancient route running from the coast up into the Toba highlands around
the southern end of the lake [SRC: SRC_00152, p. 1]. As an opt-in repeatable pack-caravan run with
load and weather management across the highland corridor, it pays trade-web reward and community
standing, and it teaches by playing why the strait network the datu is selling matters to every
inland marga. The corridor is Asahan ground and lies outside all four rows of the page's own Zone
Catalog; it is a page-side traversal proposal hung off the samosir_highlands approach and mints no
new zone. Three accuracy notes ride it. Salt and salt-fish as the trail's premier up-cargo are the
source author's own hedged speculation rather than a documented manifest, though salt-fish does
appear in Anderson's 1823 export list for Batubara alongside rattans, horses and silk cloths
[SRC: SRC_00152, p. 1, p. 12]; the page carries salt as a plausible read. Horses are the one ordinary
down-cargo the record names; rattan and forest goods moving down this particular trail are a
page-side read off that export list, and the source never joins Anderson's port to the Pasaguan
route — it places Batubara slightly further north than the site, so the joined caravan is ours
[SRC: SRC_00152, p. 12]. And the route is Asahan ground — the coast up through the Bandar Pulau
corridor past Pasaguan toward the southern end of Lake Toba — not Palembang, which is the length of
the island away, and not Samosir, which is the island within the lake.
The same paragraph of the same source records that enslaved people and horses were brought down from
the interior in considerable numbers, and this build carries it [SRC: SRC_00152, p. 12]. The caravan
the player can run moved people as well as cargo, and omitting that would teach something false about
how this network worked and who profited from it. It is routed through the institution and its real
causes — debt-bondage, captive-taking, and elite brokerage at both ends of the route under real
economic pressure — and never concentrated into one corrupt broker, because inventing a puppet-master
would spare the coastal and highland polities their own historical agency and teach the player a
comfortable falsehood. Highland communities stand inside this network as agents, not only as its
cargo. The player's participation, refusal or subversion is a playable integrity test scored through
the direction vocabulary, and it gates no progression: the no-dead-end rule binds, and no route
onward from the region closes on any choice made here. The source itself is a Company officer's
account of a network the Company profited from, which is the frame the material is presented in.
Two different things sit at the far end of this craft and the page keeps them apart, because merging
them would make living Batak makers into forgers. The tradition's own manufacture is still carried
on, in a small way, by Batak producing cultural objects for the tourist market, a market that has
existed for at least a hundred years and through which, with middlemen, some museum pieces were
probably acquired [SRC: SRC_00226, print p. 65]. That is the craft continuing, and it is never staged
as fakery. Separately, the catalogue records written artefacts — bark books and inscribed bones —
whose inscriptions are poor and sloppy and whose texts do not seem to make much sense, made to be
sold as curiosities to trusting buyers, with the Karo bone specimens singled out because a centre of
that industry sat near Berastagi on the Karo plateau [SRC: SRC_00226, print p. 83-84]. Telling a
datu's true working manuscript from one of those runs on script consistency and text sense —
precisely the two things the literacy and book-craft loops teach — so connoisseurship is the trade's
capstone rather than a separate skill. The framing is authorial and exact: the genuine craft is the
anchor, the meaningless-inscription object is the derivative produced by outside demand, and nothing
here implies the tradition lacks authenticity. This surface is reached only through the Section-18
time-fluctuation window and never in era-present play, for the same chronological reason as the
Anderson document.
One further trade face of the collection history is authored here rather than deferred, because it is
scribal work and it is paid. The datu who taught a nineteenth-century collector to interpret pustaha
were also employed by him to write and copy many of the books in his collection [SRC: SRC_00228,
print p. 11], and the Batak manuscripts on European paper in that same collection were produced at
his request, in Batak characters, by people he employed to teach him the language, to copy
manuscripts, to write down stories and to help check his Bible translations [SRC: SRC_00228, print
p. 14]; it was at that initiative that a body of orally transmitted folktale was put into writing for
the first time [SRC: SRC_00228, print p. 15]. Commissioned scribal work is a real economic surface
for a literate player — a hand, a rate, and a client whose purposes are not the scribe's — and the
Batak inside it are named workers setting their own terms, not the collection's cargo. The
extraction half of that history — how the datu's books came to be readable in institutions far from
the people who wrote them, and which institutions hold them — is queued for Sections 5, 15, 16 and
18 and is not authored here.
The ten-trade content is otherwise seed-level at the origin arc, and the detailed home-base content
FEEDS the trade registries as the cascade reaches the trade-home chapters. The craft vocabulary this
section introduces — pustaha, ina ni surat, anak ni surat, bindu, balobas, panggorit, baja, dammar,
pagar, porsili, naga morsarang, piso sanalenggam, bilang-bilang, hadatuon, tarum, lakar — takes
Section-17 glossary entries alongside the vocabulary already listed there, so localization does not
flatten them. None of the surfaces above is typed to a questline stage at page grain: the §6.5
QUEST_TYPE enum is ratified canon and is not extended here, and per-seed typing belongs to the §7.5
stub and the owner lane, not to a region page.