angkor_khmer.md

canon/tiers/02_Tier_2_Region_Pages/angkor_khmer.md

Region Page — Angkor and the Khmer Empire (with Champa)

Canonical region page (T1_Region_Page_Template [ACTIVE v2.0]). This is the ratified SEPARATE

first-class page for the CH_05 SPREAD excursion — the god-king's-mountain leg hierarchically under

the Sumatra-and-Java anchor (sumatra_java). It consumes the v3.1 spine's typed layer for CH_05 (the

join root) and authors only the excursion-scope substrate the spine leaves downstream — the five

excursion sites kra_traverse, angkor_wat, bayon_taprohm, west_baray, myson_champa (spine §3b) and

the beats CH05_B07 through CH05_B10 plus the FORK_CH05_A / BE_0005_S4 / SC_CH05_churning_and_turned_water

rows that live here and are cross-referenced from the anchor page. The region's identity resolves in

T0_Region_Index; the page passes harness/check_region_page.py. It never re-opens or duplicates the

anchor's zones, sites, or resolved beats.

Reveal discipline binds at page grain exactly as at spine grain: CH_05 sits ~33 chapters before the

~Ch-38 pattern bar, and no House-of-Velheim name, family, pattern, who-frame agent-noun, Cassius,

thesis, or Grand Sage is ever player-facing here (the family first appears at Ch 8). The excursion's

antagonist form is a single fictional un-named devaraja-court official (BE_0005_S4) who presents a

purely local, opportunistic surface motive — an insider monetizing an empire's decline for private

advantage; unlike the anchor's datu he is un-rowed and NOT briefed, and does not read the protagonist

back. Anti-fringe / Frame-A binds absolutely: Angkor and its hydraulic city are real, dated,

inscribed Khmer archaeology, and My Son is the Cham's own brick-tower work — no lost-race, no

ancient-aliens, no "too advanced for its builders," no "vanished civilization" framing anywhere; the

correction is authorial only, never a player-facing debunk. Vril reads mathematical/physical/substrate

(the Vril-Society firewall); the vril-centre term is vril-seat, never chakra.

The Champa care ruling (Josh 2026-07-20) binds: formal ELEVATED care is SCOPED to the Cham/war

surfaces — the west_baray 1177 two-peer river-war combat-staging, the myson_champa sanctuary, and the

modern-Cham-communities block (Sections 4/19) — while Khmer-majority material stays standard. The

combat ceiling is UNCHANGED (care means weight and authenticity, never omission — the full mature

two-peer river-war set-piece stands at full intensity), and a Cham-source grounding obligation

attaches to the elevated surfaces, discharged inline via the Cham historian Po Dharma and the living

Cham community record (see Sections 4, 5, 6, 15, 16). §17.1 REPRESENT_WITH_CARE is collective: the

Khmer and Cham communities are never combat targets; all antagonism routes through the corrupt

official, the court-and-temple apparatus, the two-peer war's military, and the perverted ward-objects,

never through either people. page_status: Research Phase.

Region Identity

• region_id: angkor_khmer · Region name: Angkor and the Khmer Empire (with Champa)
• chapter_set: CH_05 (the join root) · Sub-regions: the Angkor imperial capital (Angkor Wat, the Bayon and Angkor Thom, Ta Prohm, the West Baray and the reversing-flood Tonle Sap) in Cambodia; the Kra isthmian traverse (the Malacca Strait, the Malay-peninsula portage, and the Gulf of Thailand approach with its Tambralinga / Grahi tribute politics); and the coastal-Vietnam Champa sanctuaries (My Son, Po Nagar) — the elevated Cham surfaces
• Modern country: Cambodia (Champa in central Vietnam) · Region center: 13.4125°N 103.8670°E (Angkor Wat); 13.4413°N 103.8586°E (Bayon); 13.4348°N 103.8892°E (Ta Prohm); 15.7639°N 108.1244°E (My Son, Champa)
• Time period: the Angkor imperial peak ~1113–1218 CE (within the Ch 5 1200 CE window) — Suryavarman II's Angkor Wat (~1113–1150, ~50 years old at the 1200 frame) already standing, and Jayavarman VII reigning near his peak with Angkor Thom and the Bayon under active construction, the 1177 Cham naval sack and 1181 reconquest freshly concluded and the Khmer campaigns into Champa ongoing to ~1203; Champa's My Son sanctuary contemporary; the ~1296 Zhou Daguan eyewitness account is ~96 years forward of the frame and used for infrastructure texture only, never as a 1200 snapshot · Era name: the god-king's-mountain excursion (the there-and-back SPREAD leg under the Sumatra-Java anchor)
• Season on arrival: monsoon into the reversing flood-pulse of the Tonle Sap, easing to clear (weather_cycle_profile monsoon;flood_pulse;clear from the region row seed)
• Page status: Research Phase
• Last updated: 2026-07-22 · Sources processed: SRC_00322 (deep-read audited; the page's first processed source — see Section 16) — the RCM Ch 5 section still carries no Khmer/Cham per-culture block (a flagged open gap) and the build still grounds largely on the four deep-research files (angkor_city, khmer_cham_war, cham_living, khmer_myth_care) and their cited scholarly and Cham-voiced sources (Section 16)

Character Quick Reference

• Protagonist entry point: reached overland by following the broker's ledger north from the Sumatra-Java anchor (CH05_B07 in) — up the Malacca Strait, over the Kra Isthmus, across the Gulf of Thailand, and inland up the reversing-flood Tonle Sap to Angkor; exit point: doubling back down the whole long route to the sea from the Champa coast (CH05_B10 out), rejoining the anchor's Palembang departure for the Bay-of-Bengal crossing to Sri Lanka (Ch 6)
• Healer's child presence: carried, off-screen silent-observation arc active (begun Ch 3), no on-screen beat on the excursion; the mystery stays held toward the Ch-13 active-join (CHAR_0002)
• Velheim form for this region: none surfaced by name — the excursion's antagonist form is the collapse-monetizing devaraja-court official (BE_0005_S4), an un-rowed local analog riding BE_0005's existing Tier-3 rung, a fictional un-named insider diverting the labor, hoarding the baray water, and selling the sanctuaries for private advantage; he presents a purely local opportunistic motive, is not briefed, and does not read the protagonist back; the family does not yet exist to the player (first appears Ch 8); reveal-ladder-safe at page grain
• Key ally NPC: the excursion's honored hosts, authored un-named at spine scope (personas at the quest layer) — a Khmer temple-servant or dancer of Ta Prohm's great household, and a Cham pilot of the coastal run through whom the Champa sanctuary beats play; the war's two peoples met with dignity, protected non-targets
• Key enemy NPC: the devaraja-court official (BE_0005_S4) and the roused temple-guardian constructs (dvarapala, seven-headed naga-balustrade, yaksha — perverted ward-objects, never the deities); never the Khmer court-office itself, never the Khmer or Cham community
• Neutral significant NPC: the Kra-isthmus port-audiences (the Tambralinga and Grahi/Chaiya tribute politics on the peninsular portage) — the excursion's ambient economic-web context, scope-controlled against sprawl; no rowed operative here
• Familiar available: none new on the excursion — Shell (W1) sustained, Kira (F1) carried from Ch 4, and Khan the Sumatran Tiger (G1, bonded at the anchor's samosir_highlands) travel forward; the Sanur Octopus (W4) deferred and gated, the Child Familiar lost and believed dead
• Faction alignment: no standing faction (the excursion doubles back with no returnable home); the durable social write is the Angkor/Khmer community's read of the protagonist's conduct (FORK_CH05_A) via ws.community_state_per_region — forward_track none, the modern-revisit consumer not yet pinned

HEADER END — BODY BELOW

Zone Catalog

One row per zone. Rows sourced from spine §3b site_ids copy terrain / gameplay functions /

ambient_threat / vril_density / climactic_affordance / protected VERBATIM from the CH_05 site rows

and add only the page-side geometry (area_bounds) and build_priority. This catalog joins ONLY the

five CH_05 §3b excursion sites — kra_traverse, angkor_wat, bayon_taprohm, west_baray, myson_champa;

the anchor sites (borobudur, palembang_port, samosir_highlands, merapi_slopes) belong to the

sumatra_java page and are never duplicated here. area_bounds are first-pass design sizings (meters,

local ENU origin at the region center), refined at the Section 1 terrain-build pass; they are page

authority, not spine canon.

Zone-grain node-class (the standing mechanism, RULED — Josh 2026-07-20; the region row's

node_class=protected is the DEFAULT, the living-sacred register dominating this region — Angkor Wat

has never truly ceased functioning as a place of worship for ~900 years and is an active Buddhist

temple to this day):

• All five zones inherit the region default (protected). The excursion is a there-and-back waypoint that doubles back to the sea (CH05_B10) with no returnable home and no standing region-scale faction, so the structural precondition a transferable sublane needs is absent by construction.
• west_baray, the one combat/economic surface, was run against the palembang_port test (the sumatra_java precedent) and does NOT pass: unlike the Palembang broker-cartel — whose DARK-route "the strait stays sold" names a persisting racket a successor fills — FORK_CH05_A returns the baray water to the fields and reopens the sanctuaries on EVERY option, so there is no "the water stays hoarded" persisting-world outcome and no fillable operational vacuum; the collapse-monetizing court official is a single fictional un-named insider whose removal leaves no succession chain. No transferable sublane is asserted here.
• Care-tier overlay (RULED — Josh 2026-07-20, scoped to the Cham/war surfaces): west_baray (the 1177 two-peer river-war combat-staging) and myson_champa (the Cham sanctuary) carry formal ELEVATED, and the modern-Cham-communities block (Sections 4/19) is ELEVATED; the Khmer zones (kra_traverse, angkor_wat, bayon_taprohm) stay standard. ELEVATED is a care register, not a node-class — the zone protected booleans above are the spine's verbatim sacred-site values (a distinct axis), and the combat ceiling is UNCHANGED (the full two-peer river-war stands at full intensity). A Cham-source grounding obligation attaches to the elevated surfaces, discharged inline via Po Dharma and the living-community record.

Derived Indexes

Generated from the spine at build time; regenerate, never hand-edit. Every id below is a live join

into the typed layer. BE_0005 is the SHARED main boss, staged at the sumatra_java anchor sites and

cross-referenced here; this page owns only the excursion rows the sumatra_java page cross-references

back — BE_0005_S4, SC_CH05_churning_and_turned_water, and FORK_CH05_A.

• Boss index (every BE_xxxx staged at this region's sites in the chapter_set):
• BE_0005 "Datu Siahaan, the datu who sold the strait" (CH_05, Thread 3 institutional corruption; CHAR_0031; NW_0003 FAMILY_BRIEFED) — the shared main boss, STAGED ON THE sumatra_java PAGE at palembang_port and samosir_highlands; listed here only as the parent of the excursion phase, never duplicated
• BE_0005_S4 the devaraja-court official and the temple-guardian constructs (EXPOSE/OUTMANEUVER, 30/40/30 puzzle-forward, the Angkor SPREAD excursion sub-boss riding BE_0005's existing Tier-3 rung with no new operative; the official a fictional un-named local opportunist, un-rowed and NOT briefed; the roused dvarapala / seven-headed naga-balustrade / yaksha are animated ward-objects perverted by his faction, never the deities and never the faithful) → CH05_B09 (west_baray) · care tier standard for the official and the Khmer constructs, with the west_baray SURFACE carrying ELEVATED for the 1177 Cham/war combat-staging · win {FORK_CH05_A generative: court-network exposed, the hoarded water turned back to the fields, the sanctuaries reopened} · loss {the court-network map and a temple-ledger fragment logged; the water still returned and the excursion still doubling back — non-gating, no fail-wall}
• SQ index (every §11 row landing at the excursion beats):
• SQ4 mystery_detective — ADVANCE (the chapter's lead, reaching the excursion): the bought-official trail's northward reach into the god-king's court; gate at(palembang_port) [anchor]; excursion beat [CH05_B09]; reward the collapse-monetizing intel traced from the port ledger to the same pattern in the court
• SQ11 lost_civilizations — SEED: the Angkor hydraulic empire (the baray), the empire selling itself piece by piece, its later fall to climate variability and scale, never primitivism; gate has(local.serpent_settled) [anchor]; excursion beats [CH05_B07, CH05_B09]
• SQ1 fairy_tale_folklore — ADVANCE: the Khmer naga (protective/dynastic), the neak ta and arak tutelary spirits (revered, LEFT), and the krasue/ap floating-viscera-witch as an L2 folklore TOUCH (LINK_0186 received from the Bali leyak, its true cognate); gate has(local.begu_ganjang_warded) [anchor]; excursion beat [CH05_B10]
• Scene index (every §13 row bound to this region's beats):
• SC_CH05_churning_and_turned_water (CH05_B09, west_baray) — the FORK_CH05_A branch_decision_point; the Churning-of-the-Sea-of-Milk walked and read, then the baray flow-puzzle turning the official's hoarded water back to the fields; this is the excursion's own scene row (owned here, cross-referenced from the sumatra_java page)
• page-authored ambient-cinematic additions: none yet (the only scene rows a page may author; deferred to the build pass)
• Mark/state surface:
• marks written: the Angkor/Khmer community read (FORK_CH05_A) — {angkor_khmer: protective-restoration via the returned water / ambivalent / extraction-marked} · persistent, forward_track none (no authored modern-revisit read node; the durable disposition rides ws.community_state_per_region + the relationship/faction columns)
• excursion parent mark (sumatra_java page): the Batak/Sumatra community read (FORK_CH05_B) — cross-referenced, not written here
• ws.* keys touched: ws.integrity_score, ws.community_state_per_region, ws.antagonist_operational_state_per_region, ws.relationship_history, ws.faction_standing_per_faction, ws.reputation_biography_propagation, ws.identity_hiding_status, ws.familiar_bond_state (carried)
• Recall binding: recall node angkor_khmer

The Twenty Numbered Sections

Section 1 — Geography and Topography

The excursion crosses from the maritime archipelago into the mainland-Southeast-Asian register: the

Kra Isthmus, the narrow neck of the Malay Peninsula that was the historic east-west land-bridge

between the Bay of Bengal and the Gulf of Thailand; the gulf coast; and inland to the great alluvial

plain north of the Tonle Sap where Angkor stands. Angkor is the anti-fringe anchor made landscape:

it was the most extensive urban complex of the preindustrial world — an engineered low-density city

of roughly 1,000–1,200 square kilometres, its monuments set inside a dispersed settlement integrated

by a vast water-management network of canals, embankments, reservoirs (barays), moats, ponds, and

gridded rice-fields, mapped by radar-and-ground survey and airborne LiDAR by the Greater Angkor

Project (Fletcher, Evans, Pottier) and dated by inscription, seriation, and radiocarbon. This is

real, Khmer-built, dated archaeology (Evans et al., PNAS 2007 and 2013) — never the work of a lost

race, and the hydraulic city is cited, not mystified.

Terrain data plus the build chain (researched terrain pipeline): DEM source Copernicus GLO-30 via

the OpenTopography API over the excursion bounding boxes (the Kra portage seam, the Angkor plain, and

the My Son valley in Quang Nam); meters-per-vertex a per-region compression decision (first-pass

2.0 m/vertex for the flat Angkor plain and the traversal seam, tighter at the temple-mountain

hero-sites Angkor Wat and the Bayon and at the My Son kalan cluster); the GDAL/rasterio recipe carves

the West Baray rectangle and its earthen dikes, the Angkor Wat moat, and the Tonle Sap flood-pulse

shore as scripted composites and benches the temple terraces; a Gaea pass adds flood-forest, canal,

and monsoon-gully detail; UE Landscape import tiles under World Partition at the 8,129-vertex actor

cap; ESA WorldCover maps flood-forest / paddy / open-water / brick-and-laterite landcover to

material-layer weightmaps.

Time-period modifications from modern: the present frame is Angkor at its ~1200 CE zenith — a living

imperial capital, not ruins; the twentieth-century roads, reservoirs, and cleared forest are reversed

to the pre-modern flood-forest, paddy, and canal cover; the Tonle Sap's annual flow-reversal

(monsoon backfill, dry-season drain) is live as the region's defining hydrology and the west_baray

flow-puzzle's physics. Ta Prohm's twentieth-century strangler-fig-through-galleries condition is a

modern conservation choice by the EFEO and APSARA (the giant Tetrameles nudiflora and Ficus roots

conserved in place) and is framed as modern presentation, not an ancient "jungle-swallowed" mystery.

Climate and atmosphere: equatorial-monsoon, hot on the plain, with the wet-season flood pulse and a

clearing dry season. Vril sites (from T0_Vril_Site_Registry + the spine §3b rows, never re-authored):

none new anchor on the excursion — the capacity floor raised at the anchor's Ch-3 VS_CH03_001 carries

forward, and perception at Ch 5 stays Neophyte-legal throughout. The SEA2 catalog expansion adding

Angkor / the baray / the Bayon to the Vril_Site registry as a Component-11 class is ratified

within-authority but DEFERRED as a follow-up (with a fidelity-baseline refresh), and belongs to this

page's next pass — logged here as an open obligation, not enacted.

Section 2 — Flora and Botany

Native flora baseline: the Angkor plain is fertile monsoon-forest-and-paddy country, its rice the

surplus that fed the corvée workforce and the temple domains; the Tonle Sap flood-forest rings the

lake and floods seasonally, and the flood-pulse fishery is one of the most productive inland fisheries

on earth (the Bayon reliefs themselves carve markets of women selling fish beside the war). The Cham

coast to the east contributes the maritime-trade botanicals that made Champa wealthy: aloeswood /

eaglewood (agarwood), spices, and the forest goods the Cham fleets carried in the South China Sea

trade (Po Dharma; the Champa maritime record). The herbalism Book-of-Trades entries for the excursion

seed from the Khmer temple-hospital pharmacopoeia — the arogyasala hospital-chapels that Jayavarman

VII's inscriptions record across the realm imply a documented medicinal materia — and the flood-forest

and paddy-margin flora. This is Trade-4 Herbalism substrate at seed level (no home base roots on the

excursion); the gather nodes are the Tonle Sap flood-pulse margin and the temple-domain gardens.

Build notes: foliage source-assets favour monsoon-forest, flood-forest, paddy, and the conserved

strangler-fig / silk-cotton (Tetrameles) matches (Fab/Megascans where the species read is close;

custom models for the Ta Prohm root-through-gallery system that carries the site's signature and for

the agarwood that carries trade weight); density high in the flood-forest and thinning on the open

baray and the paddy grid; palette wet-green with the ochre of the reservoir water and the reddish

Cham brick to the east; wind moderate, gusting across the open baray, dramatic with the monsoon flood.

Section 3 — Fauna and Animal Life

The excursion's fauna is the flood-pulse water-world and the war-galley register. The page CONSUMES

the T0_Creature_Roster rows the spine already staged and FEEDS region-ambient detail. The signature

presence is the Tonle Sap crocodile: the Bayon naval reliefs carve a crocodile in the water below the

war-galleys devouring a fallen soldier, which is the canon-grounded way the water itself is made

lethal in the west_baray set-piece — the flood-pulse water is a combatant, not a backdrop

(the Bayon relief record; "Nautical Angkor," Ferrari et al. 2017). The flood-forest and lake carry

the dense fishery (fish, waterfowl), and the Khmer and Cham militaries fielded war elephants — the

"ballista elephant," a double-bow crossbow worked by two men atop an elephant, appears in both the

Bayon and Banteay Chhmar reliefs, though its actual battlefield use (versus parade/prestige display)

is CONTESTED and is staged as spectacle, not a decisive mechanic. No new familiar bonds on the

excursion — Khan (G1) bonded at the anchor and travels forward. Folkloric beings route to

Creature_Roster.folklore_attribution: the Khmer naga (protective, dynastic — the seven-headed

balustrade), the neak ta and arak tutelary spirits (revered, LEFT), the krasue/ap floating-viscera-head

(the tradition's own condemned being, an L2 touch), and the roused temple-guardian constructs

(dvarapala, naga-balustrade, yaksha — ward-OBJECTS, never the deities) — each rendered as its

tradition holds it, mythologically-stylized only where the tradition itself condemns or fears it, and

the protective/revered class deliberately never Hollywood-monstered.

Section 4 — People and Culture

The excursion's peoples are the Khmer of the Angkor imperial capital and the Cham of the coastal

Champa mandala, met on the peninsular portage among the Mon-Dvaravati and Tambralinga port-audiences.

§17.1 binds: these are living peoples, rendered with weight and as they understand themselves, and

the page records the represent-with-care posture per community — standard for the Khmer majority,

formal ELEVATED for the Cham/war surfaces.

The Khmer at 1200 CE are the administrators of the largest and richest state in Southeast Asia. The

concreteness of that administration is itself the best anti-fringe asset, and the excursion foregrounds

it: Ta Prohm's foundation stele records the temple domain supporting roughly 12,640 resident servants

(including dancers, priests, officials) and drawing goods and service from roughly 79,365 people

across the realm, owning some 3,140 villages; Jayavarman VII's inscriptions record roughly a hundred

arogyasala hospital-chapels and roughly a hundred dharmasala rest-houses spaced along the royal roads.

These are a state's self-account of its own scale (read as such, not as a modern census), and they are

the receipts that refute any "mysterious lost city" reading (Ta Prohm inscription; Arogayasala

inscriptions; the Greater Angkor Project population modelling, ~700,000–900,000 for Greater Angkor).

Those hospital-chapels are the period Khmer institution and belong to the 1200 frame on their own

inscriptional evidence; nothing in this page's processed Cham ethnography attests them, and they are

never to be sourced to it.

The Cham are the war's other honored peer — an Austronesian-speaking, Sa-Huynh-descended maritime

people of the central-Vietnam coast whose fleets controlled the spice-and-silk trade of the South

China Sea (the "Champa Sea"), organized not as a unitary kingdom but as a multiethnic COALITION of

lowland Cham and Central-Highlands peoples federated across principalities — Amaravati (with My Son),

Vijaya, Kauthara, and Panduranga (the Cham historian Po Dharma and Tran Quoc Vuong, revising the older

Maspero unitary-kingdom model). The Cham-source grounding obligation is discharged here and on the

elevated surfaces by anchoring to Po Dharma's Cham-voiced scholarship rather than only conqueror-side

or colonial-French lenses.

The modern-Cham-communities block (ELEVATED, dignity-first, held as audit-register context and kept

strictly OUT of the ~1200 scene): the Cham are a still-living people — roughly 800,000+ today, ~178,948

in Vietnam (2019 census) and an estimated ~300,000+ in Cambodia, plus a diaspora — in distinct religious

communities that must be got right as a core authenticity axis: the Balamon (Cham Ahier), one of the

very few surviving indigenous Hindu peoples outside India, descended from the Champa state cult;

the Cham Bani (Cham Awal), adherents of a deeply localized Bani Islam; and the predominantly Sunni

Cambodian and southern-Vietnam Cham, including the traditionalist Imam-San (Kan Imam San) wing — with

matrilineal, matrilocal family and inheritance a defining living signature across all of them

(Po Dharma; Minority Rights Group; the living Kate and Thap Ba Po Nagar festivals, national intangible

heritage; the akhar-thrah and akhar-srak script revival, digitized by the British Library Endangered

Archives Programme EAP531). The Khmer Rouge genocide of the Cham (1975–79) belongs in this

audit-register and is handled with gravity, never spectacle and never as gameable content: the Cham

Muslim community was singled out for destruction, with commonly cited figures of roughly 80,000–100,000

killed out of a 1975 population near 250,000 (Minority Rights Group cites ~36% Cham mortality versus

~19% for the majority Khmer) — figures CONTESTED and cited as a range; the genocide LABEL is

scholar-debated (Ben Kiernan argues ethnic genocide; others dispute the framing), while the ECCC

tribunal (Case 002/02) entered genocide convictions of senior Khmer Rouge leaders, with Nuon Chea

found guilty of genocide against the Cham. The dignity-first shape

is the whole point: a living culture marked for erasure and PERSISTING, rebuilt and openly practiced

today. This twentieth-century history is never conflated with the twelfth-century battle content and

is imported into the 1200 excursion at most at witness-depth, never as a scene.

The Jahed Cham of Kampong Chhnang — the living-community record

That block now has a processed source standing behind it, and it is a close ethnography of one

Cambodian Cham community rather than a survey: the Jahed of Kampong Chhnang province, from fieldwork

carried out together with a second ethnographer intermittently between 1996 and 2002

[SRC: SRC_00322, p. 244]. Everything under this subhead is modern. It sits at the same audit register

as the paragraph above, and the cult it documents is itself a post-Khmer-Rouge revival — all but

extinct under the regime of 1975-79, rising again from the 1980s to ceremonies held almost every week

[SRC: SRC_00322, p. 246] — so it is never staged as a ~1200 scene.

Jahed is the community's own name for itself [SRC: SRC_00322, p. 245], and this record documents that

Cambodian group. It is not a synonym for the Cham Bani (Cham Awal); the Balamon / Bani / Sunni

distinctions above keep their own Po Dharma grounding, and this record names none of those three.

What the Jahed carry is a layering the community itself articulates: a version of Islam superimposed

on a basically Hindu worldview that is recognised as custom rather than as a rival creed, with the

royal spirits of ancient Champa — the cay — venerated inside a Muslim congregation

[SRC: SRC_00322, p. 245]. The Imams, with the single exception noted below, testify to the ritual's

authenticity and justify it as part of Cham society and custom, referring to it by prapeni, the Khmer

term for tradition [SRC: SRC_00322, p. 246], and the mediums who serve those spirits count themselves

faithful members of that congregation [SRC: SRC_00322, p. 251]. The spirits, the possession, and the

rite's own mechanics are spiritual-traditions substrate and queue to Section 5; what belongs here is

the social shape of the community that carries them.

• Kinship read: divination scrutinises a sufferer's relations to the kin and ancestors of the

chour-sambour, the family lines on both the father's and the mother's sides [SRC: SRC_00322, p. 249].

This is a bilateral reckoning used diagnostically and it does not displace the matrilineal,

matrilocal signature the block above carries on Po Dharma — a household can trace descent and

residence one way and audit misfortune across both lines.

• Caste memory: the community remembers an aristocrat-warrior descent, whose men served Khmer royalty

as soldiers, bodyguards and policemen, set against riess, commoner citizens, and remembers the war

and the Khmer Rouge years as the levelling that flattened the distinction — mediums were historically

drawn from the warrior lines and are now increasingly drawn from riess families

[SRC: SRC_00322, p. 252].

• The mediums as a social body: predominantly women, with quite a few men, and some children initiated

into the office [SRC: SRC_00322, p. 251]. The child mediums are the tradition's own practice and are

rendered as such, not scrubbed on reflex. The cult is transgendered in Rosalind Morris's sense,

gender twice over [SRC: SRC_00322, p. 252] — a doubled standing, never a marginal one — and the

mediums' own witness is that their position in the congregation is ambiguous in status while they

remain faithful to the religion [SRC: SRC_00322, p. 251].

• The calling is not always welcome and the community is not unanimous about it. In the documented

case the younger mediums escalated their demands and required that the sufferer, himself a sitting

Imam and village leader, quit his office to become a medium; the older mediums' more moderate voices

answered on the ground that his wife had already given herself up as a medium and the spirits had

already claimed his son. The mediums' disagreements with each other surface openly inside the public

rite rather than discreetly [SRC: SRC_00322, p. 250].

• Improvisation in the present: that same sufferer performed in the rite in a modern-style jacket and

steel-rimmed reading glasses identical to the visiting ethnographer's, worn with a Malay-style black

head dress and an ordinary Cham check-patterned sarong [SRC: SRC_00322, p. 250]. The register is a

living tradition working in its own present, never reverent wallpaper.

The community's religious-political leadership is a real office and a contested one. The On g'nur is

the main religious-political leader, and the one this record documents is a conservative voice who

mourns the mahandori, the big destruction of the Khmer Rouge years, as the loss of the true ritual and

of Cham civilisation and high culture, and who dismisses the revived cult as theatre and its mediums

as unintelligent [SRC: SRC_00322, p. 246]. Build the office, never a real holder of it: the page

authors fictional un-named instances of the On g'nur and of the Imams, and no real living Cham

religious leader is ever cast as an antagonist. The internal contest is legitimate on both sides —

an authority defending what was lost against practitioners rebuilding what survived — and it is

written with dignity, not as a faction to defeat.

Literacy is the second Cham layer this record carries, and it is an intellectual achievement under

present pressure rather than a relic. A literate elite of Imam-scribes hands down the corpus of sacred

texts in the Cham's own language and ancient script, hand-copied generation after generation

[SRC: SRC_00322, p. 245; p. 246] — a centuries-long manual manuscript-transmission tradition, and the

kind of civilizational mark the page records at L2. The name akhar thrah is correct and is the page's

own, carried above on the EAP531 revival record and on Cham-voiced scholarship; this ethnography does

not supply it and must never be traced as its source. Note the scope: the script is attested Cham-wide,

not as a Jahed possession, so it belongs to the Balamon and Cham Bani communities the block above names

as well. The present pressure on it is documented and specific — free standardised Arabic prayer-books

handed out to replace the handwritten ones, alongside a wider pressure to conform to Arab Muslim

standards [SRC: SRC_00322, p. 244; p. 245]. Beside the written corpus runs a sung one: the pi cay, an

oral-historical corpus transmitting Cham mythical history and the founding myth of the Cham King

across generations of mediums [SRC: SRC_00322, p. 245; p. 246] — a second L2 knowledge-transmission

mark, and a living tradition, never the achievement of a vanished people.

The healing and knowledge economy runs across the Khmer-Cham line in both directions, and it is a

weave the page carries as region substrate under Thread 12, the oracle and divination thread. In Khmer

society the Cham are known to practise magic, and Khmer people visit them wanting to buy that knowledge

[SRC: SRC_00322, p. 252]. That is a genuine cross-community exchange with a direction, an agent and a

price, and it is written with the source's own both/and or not at all: the same page records the Cham

communities as known for their solidarity and for kindness to each other in difficulty, a kindness at

times extended to Khmer, and it records the community's own self-naming — neak sre neak prey, people

making a living from fields and forest, a community naming itself by its work rather than by its

reputation [SRC: SRC_00322, p. 252]. The sinister-sorcerer-people trope is a defamation and is barred

here. The honest engine behind sorcery accusation is poverty, a link the record states plainly and

then shows in operation when neighbours turn on a man out of envy over his new mosque

[SRC: SRC_00322, p. 248; p. 252]. Khmer forest-herbalism runs the other way across the same line; the

kru khmer and the gather-and-boil remedy loop are Trade-4 Herbalism substrate and are queued to

Sections 2 and 14 rather than authored here.

Where the modern block names hardship, it names the documented cause. Inventing a hidden hand to

spare the community its own agency would be a scrub, and it would be duller than the record:

• Aid vehicles pass the village and leave nothing but dust behind them, while villagers ask openly

what plans the International Community has for them [SRC: SRC_00322, p. 244].

• Livelihoods are squeezed from several directions at once — logging work taken across the railway in

country infested with mines and malaria under the financial and political demands of remaining Khmer

Rouge cadres, the women's roadside drink-and-snack earnings destroyed when travel halted after the

1997 coup, and a new military claim on as much as a third of the rice-fields

[SRC: SRC_00322, p. 253].

• Standardised free prayer-books and pressure toward Arab Muslim norms displace the community's own

hand-copied books and local practice [SRC: SRC_00322, p. 244; p. 245].

• And the community's own account of its condition is part of the record: that one must pray more, be

careful, and improve one's karma, because the Cham have done sinful things in the past and this is

the result [SRC: SRC_00322, p. 245]. That self-reading is carried as the community's, never endorsed

and never corrected on the player's behalf.

Sourcing state, recorded rather than papered over: this record is an outside ethnography of the Cham,

sympathetic and close, but written from outside the community. The inline Po Dharma anchoring above

stands as the page's Cham-voiced grounding on the elevated surfaces, and landing this record

strengthens the modern block — but the book-gated Cham-source corpus obligation the Champa ruling

attaches (contract gap CG-29) is NOT closed by it and remains OPEN. The Cham material above is

proposal-tier region substrate, not ratified canon.

Represent-with-care posture: the Khmer and Cham communities are protected; combat never routes through

them; the temple servants and dancers, the priesthood (Mahayana and the emerging Theravada), the

farmers and fisherfolk, the market people, and the Khmer and Cham civilians of both peoples are

allies and protected non-targets. Malevolence is grounded in a single fictional corrupt insider and

his apparatus. That routing rule governs the 1200 frame and is not carried into the modern block,

where the causes are structural and community-internal and are built as the record gives them. The

combat ceiling is unchanged by any of this: ELEVATED is a care register, and the full-intensity

two-peer river-war at the baray stands exactly as staged.

Section 5 — Spiritual Traditions and Occult

Cosmology: at 1200 CE Angkor is a Hindu-to-Mahayana-to-emerging-Theravada palimpsest. Suryavarman II's

Angkor Wat is Vaishnavite (dedicated to Vishnu, unusually west-facing); Jayavarman VII made Mahayana

Buddhism the state religion and reframed royal divinity in Buddhist terms (the king as bodhisattva /

Buddharaja, the Bayon face-towers). The grassroots Theravada groundswell is EMERGING but not yet

dominant, so a ~1200 Angkor reads as Mahayana-royal over a very present Hindu substrate with Theravada

rising — never as fully Theravada (that is the Zhou Daguan ~1296 world, forward of the frame). The

temple is Mount Meru, the moat the cosmic ocean, the ring-walls the encircling mountains — the shared

Indic axis-mundi cosmogram, of which Angkor is the largest Khmer realization (an author of the form,

not a passive recipient: it localized it as Vaishnava, funerary, west-facing). The seven-headed

naga-balustrade causeway is the threshold between the secular and the sacred, the naga a water-lord

and rainbow-bridge, and the dynastic Kaundinya-Soma / Preah Thong–Neang Neak naga-princess legend the

identity-load-bearing Khmer founding myth (its historicity carried as legend, the "Indianization" it

encodes a live scholarly debate revised by Vickery toward local agency). The vital-force parallel

(Thread 1) rides the existing tendi terminology forward — no new named Khmer vril-parallel is coined

(that would be naming canon); vril reads mathematical/physical, the Vril-Society firewall absolute,

the vril-centre term vril-seat and never chakra.

The devaraja "god-king" cult is carried as scholarly-CONTESTED, never flatly asserted: the older "each

king made himself a living god" reading (Coedes) is corrected by Hermann Kulke and Michael Vickery to

a "god OF the kings" / a specific protective tutelary deity of the realm, resting on a thin evidentiary

base (the term appears in one inscription, Sdok Kak Thom, 250 years after the events it describes).

The fictional court official EXPLOITS a divine-kingship claim the faith does not require — the divine

kingship IDEOLOGY is real and monumentally attested, the specific "devaraja = living god" formula the

contested part. On the Cham side (ELEVATED), My Son grounds the Bhadravarman / Sambhu-Bhadresvara

Shiva-linga cult (the king's name fused with isvara), and Po Nagar the living mother-goddess Yan Po

Nagar — venerated to this day by both Cham pilgrims (as Po Inu Nagar) and Vietnamese devotees (as

Thien Y A Na, folded into the Dao Mau Mother-Goddess tradition), a rare shared sacred site across the

conqueror/conquered line (Po Dharma; the Thap Ba Po Nagar Festival record). Po Nagar is a protective

mother-goddess, deliberately LEFT, never villainized.

Occult connections and player rabbit holes (anti-fringe corrective is authorial only, never a

player debunk): Angkor, the baray, and My Son are the documented achievements of their own Khmer and

Cham builders, never lost-race or ancient-alien "proof"; the West Mebon's colossal reclining bronze

Vishnu and the barays are impressive but entirely explicable earthwork-and-hydrology and bronze-casting,

mapped and modelled by the Greater Angkor Project; Angkor Wat's equinox sunrise over the central tower

is a real, observed alignment (Stencel/Gifford/Moron; Mannikka) held to the peer-reviewed record and

kept clear of any Orion/precession "lost super-science" overlay; and the My Son brick-bonding question

(fired-then-assembled versus reheated, resin versus clay binder) is framed as normal unresolved

conservation science, never as "lost technology." Registry feeds: School content routes to

T0_School_Registry (the Angkorian temple-university tradition — Ta Prohm as Rajavihara, the monastery-

and-university dedicated to Jayavarman VII's mother — as a consume-and-extend seed); folkloric beings

to Creature_Roster.folklore_attribution.

The Cham royal-spirit cult (modern register, ELEVATED, held out of the 1200 scene)

The first processed source on this page carries a living Cham spirit tradition at full ethnographic

specificity, and it is entered here as modern-register substrate: the cay (also cai) spirits, the

royal spirits of the ancient kingdom of Champa, venerated in a possession-and-healing cult by the

Jahed Cham of Kampong Chhnang province in Cambodia [SRC: SRC_00322, p. 244; p. 245]. Chief among them

is the spirit of the King of Champa, greeted as "the teacher" and representing the original sacrifice

[SRC: SRC_00322, p. 247]. Their history is sung in the pi cay, the songs of the spirits chanted by the

mediums while possessed — a sung oral-historical corpus carrying Cham mythical history and the founding

myth of the Cham King across generations of mediums (an L2 knowledge-transmission achievement of a

living people, never the relic of a vanished one) [SRC: SRC_00322, p. 245; p. 246]. The cult reads two

ways at once and is meant to: a state ritual celebrating the glorious past of the Cham nation, and a

working healing cult people turn to when medical treatment has proved insufficient

[SRC: SRC_00322, p. 245; p. 246]. Islam here sits over a basically Hindu worldview that is recognised

as custom, and the Imams justify the ritual itself as part of Cham society and custom, prapeni — a

genuine living palimpsest [SRC: SRC_00322, p. 245; p. 246]. The cult became all but extinct in the

mahandori, the big destruction, the Khmer Rouge years, and revived from the 1980s to near-weekly

ceremonies [SRC: SRC_00322, p. 246]; the mediums' own historical memory holds that UNTAC, the UN

intervention of 1991-93, revived all the spirits that had disappeared in those years

[SRC: SRC_00322, p. 244; p. 252]. That last is authorial lore-substrate, kept to the modern register.

The mediums are predominantly female, with some male and some children initiated, and they are

possessed by and speak for the cay [SRC: SRC_00322, p. 245; p. 251]. They sing the pi cay, they

negotiate the spirits' demands, and they diagnose sorcery and illness by scrutinising the sufferer's

chour-sambour, the family lines on both the father's and the mother's sides

[SRC: SRC_00322, p. 249; p. 251]. They were historically recruited from aristocrat-warrior descent and

are now increasingly drawn from riess commoners, the caste memory levelled by the war

[SRC: SRC_00322, p. 252]. Their social standing is genuinely ambiguous and they are not marginal

deviants — they hold themselves faithful members of the Muslim congregation while serving the royal

spirits [SRC: SRC_00322, p. 251] — and the cult's transgendered reading (Morris's "gender twice over")

ships as lived reality rather than as exotica [SRC: SRC_00322, p. 252]. The initiation of children is

the tradition's own practice and is recorded as such — it is not softened, hidden, or re-aged

[SRC: SRC_00322, p. 251]. The register the build wants is caught in one detail: the sufferer at the

centre of the rite, an Imam and community leader rather than a medium, performed in the dance in a

modern jacket and steel-rimmed reading glasses identical to the visiting ethnographer's

[SRC: SRC_00322, p. 249; p. 250]. A living tradition improvising in the present, never reverent

wallpaper.

Authority inside the community is contested and the contest is legitimate on both sides. The On g'nur,

a Cham community's main religious-political leader, mourns the mahandori as the loss of the true

ritual and of Cham civilisation and high culture, dismisses the revived cult as pretending and mainly

theatre, and holds the mediums who serve the King of Champa to be unintelligent

[SRC: SRC_00322, p. 246]. That contempt reaches the surface undiminished; softening it would flatten a

real argument into deference. The persona layer authors fictional un-named instances only — On g'nur

and Imam are real living offices, never a named real person and never a revered leader cast as

villain — and the tension is intra-community, dignified on both ends, and never routed to combat.

The public ceremony is the section's strongest immersion node and is written at reference register,

never as a reproduction of consecrated performance. A shelter is raised before the sufferer's house

standing for both the Champa royal palace and the barge on which the King of Champa went to war

against the Vietnamese, according to the myth; banners and weapons are set out as signs of power;

women sell snacks and drinks along the edges; and children keep the beat of the royal orchestra on

bamboo stems laid on the ground [SRC: SRC_00322, p. 249]. The rite has a price and the source states

it: more than one million Riel even without the buffalo sacrifice, and the buffalo bought for the

offering was sold again when the sufferer did not improve [SRC: SRC_00322, p. 248]. Note the myth's

content precisely: it is about going to war, not about losing one, and the page states it that way.

Later Champa-Vietnamese history is carried on its own footing at Sections 4 and 6 under their own

grounding rather than folded into this founding story. Player affordances at the node:

• Buy food and drink from the women working the ceremony's edge — the economy of a rite, not a backdrop [SRC: SRC_00322, p. 249]
• Take up a bamboo stem and hold the rhythm with the children keeping the royal orchestra's beat [SRC: SRC_00322, p. 249]
• Watch the mediums process to greet the spirits and honour the King of Champa as "the teacher" [SRC: SRC_00322, p. 247]

The authorial reading underneath it (L3, never a player lecture and never a debunk): ritual does not

merely express power, it creates it. The processions, the signs of power, and the restaged royal

palace and war-barge constitute authority in the very act of performing it — the theatre-state or

negara analysis (Bell; Geertz; Anderson) that the source works from [SRC: SRC_00322, p. 243; p. 249;

p. 251]. That is the grounding for every ritual-kingship staging on this page, including the Khmer

devaraja material above, and it is authorial only.

One encounter premise comes straight out of the practice and is the best single seed the source

carries. For an exorcism-divination to close cleanly the possessing spirit must give its name, and it

refuses. The mediums split: the younger press to escalate the demands until the name is yielded, going

so far as to demand that the sitting Imam give up his office and become a medium, while the elders

answer that the spirits have already claimed his wife and his son, that the agreed sacrifice suffices,

and that the presence is an ordinary ancestor spirit rather than a true cay, to be invited to enjoy

the offering and depart [SRC: SRC_00322, p. 248; p. 250]. That taxonomy is the tradition's own, not a

monster classification, and the ancestor spirit is not a thing to be fought. The player's read of the

room can steady the elders' resolution or feed the escalation, and both outcomes are honest. Authoring

firewall: the refusal-to-self-name is local Cham ritual grammar and carries no signal beyond this rite,

and no surfaced text may let it read otherwise.

The esoteric-knowledge economy runs across the Khmer-Cham line in both directions, and that is the

section's one surviving weave (Thread 12, the oracle and divination). In Khmer society the Cham are

known to practise magic and are sometimes visited by Khmer people wanting to buy their knowledge

(Vickery 1984) — a documented transmission with a direction, an agent and a price

[SRC: SRC_00322, p. 252]. The both-and framing is binding on every surfaced line of it, and the same

page supplies it: the Cham communities are also well known for their solidarity and kindness to each

other in difficulty, a kindness at times extended to Khmer, and they name themselves by their work,

neak sre neak prey, people making a living from fields and forest, not by any reputation for magic

[SRC: SRC_00322, p. 252]. The sinister-sorcerer-race trope is the failure mode here and it is

excluded. The honest engine is stated plainly instead: the long-established link between poverty and

sorcery accusation [SRC: SRC_00322, p. 252], visible in operation where a mosque-builder understood

neighbours to be striking at him with bad spirits and sorcery out of envy at what he had built

[SRC: SRC_00322, p. 248]. The true-cause clause binds this block — the 1200 frame's routing of all

malevolence through the corrupt court official does NOT extend into the modern-Cham material, where

the documented causes are structural and community-internal and inventing a hidden hand over them

would be a scrub, not care. Crossing the other way, a Cham household in the source's case sent its

sufferer to a kru khmer, the Khmer forest-herb healer whom the source scopes specifically as an expert

in treating spirit afflictions [SRC: SRC_00322, p. 248]; his gather-and-boil herbalism loop is trade

substrate and is queued to Sections 2 and 14 rather than authored here.

Frame separation, stated once and binding: all of the cult material above is documented modern

practice (fieldwork of 1996-2002) [SRC: SRC_00322, p. 244] and feeds the ELEVATED

modern-Cham-communities block at Sections 4 and 19 plus the not-yet-pinned modern-Cham-revisit node.

None of it is staged as a ~1200 scene. What crosses into the excursion frame does so at witness depth

and as the period-plausible antecedent class only — royal-ancestor veneration, a layered substrate

under a later creed, and a diviner-and-herbalist healing economy — never as this cult, which post-dates

the Khmer Rouge years. Two further limits hold. This source attests no Khmer neak ta practice and is

not a source for one; the page's existing neak ta and arak material stands on its own prior grounding

and must not be re-cited here. And SRC_00322 is an outside ethnography about the Cham, so landing it

strengthens but does NOT discharge the Cham-source grounding obligation of the 2026-07-20 Champa

ruling — that obligation still names Po Dharma and the living-community record, and it remains open.

The combat ceiling is untouched by any of this: nothing in the material proposes combat against Cham

or Khmer community members, and nothing in it softens the west_baray set-piece.

Registry feeds from this harvest (proposal-tier region substrate, cited above, not ratified canon):

• The cay / cai royal spirits → T0_Creature_Roster.folklore_attribution, with the authenticity register recorded on the row: a living documented tradition of the Jahed Cham of Kampong Chhnang, NOT a modern Western cryptozoology construct; revered, and LEFT
• The Cham spirit-mediums and the On g'nur → T0_Character_Index persona seeds, fictional un-named instances of real living roles
• The Cham textual tradition (the Imam-scribes and the Cham ancient script) → queued to Section 4 and the T0 language/script registry, where the script name carries the page's own Cham-voiced citation rather than this ethnography, which never names it

Section 6 — Weapons Military and Conflict

Era weapons and military organization: the excursion's martial register is the 1177 two-peer

river-war, and it is grounded in the war's own carved primary record. The Bayon and Banteay Chhmar

reliefs depict BOTH fleets in full — two-tier war-galleys (rowers below, fighting soldiers above,

high naga-headed prows), the Cham distinguished by their lotus/flower-form helmets, and each side

rendered as organized, equipped, and competent (the era's own victory art declines to render the Cham

as a rabble). This is the historical warrant for staging a full-intensity two-peer battle: two

genuinely comparable maritime/riverine state powers, not a raid on a helpless victim (the Bayon and

Banteay Chhmar relief corpus; "Nautical Angkor," Ferrari et al. 2017; Po Dharma on Champa as a naval

peer). The arms both ways are spears/javelins, shields, war elephants, and the war-galley; the Cham

carried Song-Chinese multiple-bow crossbow technology (transferred 1171, used in the 1177 raid), and

the double-bow ballista-elephant is the spectacle engine (its battlefield use CONTESTED). The vessels

are grounded in the still-built Khmer racing-pirogue tradition raced at the Bon Om Touk water festival

— a living Cambodian form, so the set-piece's boats are real Khmer design, not invented fantasy ships.

Documented conflict (the ELEVATED west_baray combat-staging): in 1177 a Cham fleet under king Jaya

Indravarman IV crossed the Tonle Sap and sacked the Khmer capital Yasodharapura, killing the reigning

Khmer king Tribhuvanadityavarman and holding parts of Cambodia for roughly three-to-four years; in

1181 the future Jayavarman VII led the Khmer navy to victory on the lake, expelled the Cham, and took

the throne. The both-peers framing is the load-bearing care requirement and is historically true: this

was a centuries-long cycle of MUTUAL raiding, not Cham aggression against Khmer innocence — the Khmer

under Suryavarman II had sacked the Cham capital Vijaya and looted My Son in 1145, and Jayavarman VII's

own later campaigns (1190s–1203) made Champa a Khmer dependency; each capital-sack has its mirror

within one lifetime (Po Dharma; the Khmer-Cham war record). §17.1 routing: the story antagonist is the

apparatus of the war — the raiding-king's ambition, the war-court, the fleet-command — and never "the

Cham" or "the Khmer" as an ethnos; individual combatants of a real battle are killable enemy soldiers

(combat ceiling unchanged), while the community/culture of either people is never the target and never

framed as villain. The victor's-monument nature of the reliefs (the Khmer-victory feasting coda) is

held consciously so the set-piece's aftermath never reads as triumph over a people. The precise

upriver route, the exact battle-day (13 June 1177 is a single-tradition date), and the occupation

length are flagged CONTESTED reconstructions; the year 1177 and the fact of the sack are firm.

Legendary candidate (per the 72-weapon canon, 36 Brute + 36 Trickery): the excursion carries no

roster acquisition (chapter_anchored_weapon_add none; the chapter's legendary seat is the pusaka-keris

line on the sumatra_java anchor page) — the Khmer/Cham arms above are combat-staging and ethnographic

substrate for the west_baray set-piece, not a legendary add.

Section 7 — Architecture and Engineering

REAL cultural architecture is reference-built, never raw-generated (§17.1); generation is sanctioned

for fantastical/vril structures only. The excursion is a documented achievement stack, all

reference-built and (where sacred) protected: Angkor Wat, Suryavarman II's west-facing Vaishnavite

temple-mountain (~1113–1150, the largest religious monument on earth by land area, its ~90% Phnom-Kulen

sandstone floated down purpose-dug canals, its quincunx towers the peaks of Mount Meru and its ~190 m

moat both a cosmic-ocean symbol and a real foundation-stabilizing water-table device); the Bayon,

Jayavarman VII's state temple at the exact center of Angkor Thom, built in three responsive field-phases

(which is why it feels labyrinthine), its serene face-towers a scholarly-CONTESTED identity

(Avalokiteshvara/Lokeshvara, or the king, or an intentional king-as-bodhisattva fusion); Ta Prohm

(Rajavihara), the monastery-university dedicated to the king's mother; and the West Baray with its

West Mebon island-temple. The Cham My Son brick-tower sanctuary (ELEVATED) is the Cham's own near-

mortarless red-brick kalan craft, ~71 temples in Parmentier's groups A–K, the A1 kalan the 10th-century

exemplar — its brick-bonding technique an unresolved conservation-science question framed as open

science, never lost technology (Po Dharma; the My Son / UNESCO record). The west-facing orientation of

Angkor Wat is staged AS the live debate it is: funerary/mausoleum reading (the dominant view — the

counter-clockwise prasavya bas-reliefs, the apotheosis of the king as Vishnu), a Vishnu-association

reading (Freeman & Jacques), and the archaeoastronomy reading held to its peer-reviewed core.

Engineering feats and Book-of-Trades entries: the baray-and-canal hydraulic network is the region's

engineering set-piece and its anti-fringe centerpiece — the West Baray (~7.8 × 2.1 km, ~53 million

cubic metres behind ~12 m dikes) feeding a roughly thousand-square-kilometre system, presented AS the

"hydraulic city" debate resolved: Groslier's functional-irrigation thesis, the ritual-only

counter-reading (van Liere, Acker), and the Greater Angkor Project's remote-sensing resolution that the

great barays had inlets and outlets and the works were BOTH functional and symbolic — and that Angkor's

later decline was tied to fourteenth-and-fifteenth-century monsoon MEGA-DROUGHTS and the tightly-coupled

system's over-extended scale, never primitivism (Groslier; Fletcher/Pottier/Evans/Kummu; Buckley et al.

2010; Penny et al. 2018). This is the Trade-8 Engineering echo-seed (the Angkor baray hydraulics

deepening the Sumatra-Java Borobudur/port echo; the Engineering home roots far later at Ch 27), and it

rhymes forward with the Ch 6 Sri Lanka tank-cascade as parallel-independent achievement — the Sri

Lankan tanks PREDATING the baray, so any directional-diffusion claim would run backwards (LINK_0187).

Section 8 — Politics Territories and Faction Relationships

Political structure: at 1200 CE the Khmer Empire is a centralized administration under Jayavarman VII

spanning modern Cambodia and reaching into Thailand, Laos, and parts of Vietnam, its royal roads

studded with rest-houses and hospital-chapels; Champa to the east is a decentralized maritime mandala

of federated principalities (the coalition model, Po Dharma). Territories on the excursion are the

peninsular portage-and-tribute politics of the Kra approach (Tambralinga, Grahi/Chaiya — where the

1183 Old-Khmer Grahi inscription was found), the Angkor imperial core, and the Cham coast; the

excursion's conflict is the same betrayal-of-the-network pattern the anchor established — an empire's

decline being monetized from the inside, the labor diverted and the water hoarded and the sanctuaries

sold.

Five-Factors faction table (per neighbor) — path language uses the ratified fork vocabulary (options

are ACTION-keyed with direction {generative, neutral, corrosive}; bands are DERIVED, never option

labels):

• The court official's apparatus (the devaraja-court official, BE_0005_S4): relationship type hostile (collapse-monetizing insider apparatus); player impact — the CH_05 spine resolves it at FORK_CH05_A (the hoarded water turned back to the fields and the sanctuaries reopened, the official unseated to answer, or on the integrity-gated route struck down, on every option the water restored); standing on arrival adversarial; improve n/a (exposed and lifted, not befriended); questline the CH_05 main quest + SQ4
• The Khmer temple household (Ta Prohm's great household, the temple-servants and dancers): relationship type protected-host; player impact set by conduct (FORK_CH05_A community read); standing on arrival guest-wary; improve by embedding respectfully and returning the water (generative), degrade by reading the household's dependence as leverage (corrosive); questline SQ1, SQ4, SQ11
• The Cham coastal community (the My Son / Po Nagar sanctuary world, ELEVATED): relationship type protected-host, met through a Cham pilot; player impact set by conduct; standing on arrival wary-dignified; the war's other honored peer, never a target; questline SQ1
• The Kra-isthmus port-audiences (Tambralinga, Grahi tribute politics): relationship type neutral-economic; player impact light; standing transactional; questline SQ4 lead (the ledger's northward reach)

Wars with the player's role: the region-scale war is the 1177 Khmer-Cham river-war, staged at

west_baray between two honored peer-civilizations with mutual dignity (neither the Cham fleet nor the

Khmer defenders a villain-race), the player's combat routed through the two-peer military apparatus and

the corrupt official, never through either community.

Section 9 — Minerals Resources and Trade Goods

Minerals and resources with Book-of-Trades entries: Angkor sandstone (quarried at Phnom Kulen and

floated down purpose-dug canals to the site — the Trade-2 Mining and Trade-8 Engineering material) and

laterite (the structural core-and-foundation stone), the iron cramps and dowels that pinned the

mortarless joinery, and the Cham reddish fired brick of My Son (the near-mortarless kalan craft). The

West Mebon yielded the largest known bronze in Khmer art (the fragmentary reclining Vishnu) — a

metallurgy datum, not a mystery. Blacksmithing/metallurgy is not an excursion home; the keris-pamor

signature roots at the anchor (Ch 7 home). Trade goods, routes, currency, markets: the region's trade

face is twofold — the Khmer agrarian-imperial surplus (rice from the baray-fed grid, temple-domain

goods) and the Cham maritime network (aloeswood/agarwood, spices, ivory, and the forest goods the Cham

fleets moved in the South China Sea trade, Po Dharma). The excursion is reached along the sold routes —

up the Malacca Strait, over the Kra portage, along the gulf, and inland up the Tonle Sap — the same

thalassocratic-and-riverine web the broker's ledger traces from the anchor's Palembang to the god-king's

court. No trade home base roots on the excursion — the substrates seed only, and the excursion doubles

back to the anchor's Bay-of-Bengal crossing.

Section 10 — Music Sound and Composition Brief

Documented instruments and register: the Khmer temple-and-court register — the pinpeat-class ceremonial

ensemble tradition and the temple bells and conches of Mahayana devotion — and the Cham ceremonial

register (the ginang drum and saranai flute of the living Kate rite at the Po Klong Garai tower,

Po Dharma; the living-festival record), all at reference register with no reproduction of protected

sacred music. Musical theory: the interlocking ceremonial cycle of the temple ensemble; on the Cham

side the ginang-and-saranai ritual accompaniment.

Composition briefs per track type (each cue carries its adaptive-class tag {adaptive | loop |

oneshot}, derived from the cue's own behavior, for Music Step 4 stem-splitting): a temple-and-water

register for the Angkor Wat ascent and the

Churning read (low, rising to the summit of the Meru temple-mountain) {adaptive}; an

assimilation/relationship register for the Bayon galleries and the Ta Prohm household {loop}; a

full-intensity two-peer battle register for the west_baray river-war (the mature set-piece, the

flood-pulse water a combatant, care = weight not omission) {adaptive}; and a reverent Cham sanctuary

register for My Son and the Po Nagar pilgrimage (ELEVATED, grounded in the living Cham ceremonial

forms, never sampled from consecrated performance) {loop}. Sound design:

temple, reservoir, flood-pulse-lake, and brick-tower terrain enum; monsoon flood, canal-and-sluice

water, war-galley, and crocodile-water ambient; the vril-cast tier for the guardian-construct trial;

inscription-activation at the Churning-relief read and the Old-Khmer Grahi and Cham Dong Yen Chau reads.

Voice/audio tiering: bulk ambient NPC and crowd lines (the temple-servants, the Khmer market crowds,

the port-audiences) route to the local no-clone tier — but the Cham ritual/pilgrimage ambient (the

Po Nagar pilgrimage and the My Son sanctuary voices, ELEVATED) is exempted from the bulk lane and

routed to the canonical-track cultural-authenticity review per §2.3/§2.7, matching this page's own

RULED ELEVATED Cham scope; hero/named voices (the court official's register, the Khmer host's and the

Cham pilot's registers) to the clone-authorized tier behind the §4.4.1 gate.

Machine cue table (generated -- do NOT hand-edit)

Emitted by harness/emit_music_cues.py from the spine beat graph, this page's Zone Catalog, T0_SFX_Registry and T0_Theme_Registry. The composition briefs above stay prose because a composer reads prose; these rows are what the build consumes. Re-emit rather than edit.

Reading bed_source and licence_class together: sonniss_landed rows are direct use of a landed Sonniss file, and the Sonniss bundle licence prohibits use as training data -- no Sonniss file is ever a fine-tune corpus, a LoRA corpus, or an audio conditioning input for any generator. ace_step_worklist rows are generated beds (ACE-Step-1.5-XL-SFT, MIT) and must not be derived from any Sonniss row; each produced bed records its generating model and licence in T0_SFX_Registry.generation_licence_ref. composed_work rows are the composer-in-loop lane. The constraint travels on the row because this block is the surface that reaches canon.

layer_mode: base is the melodic statement a swap layer REPLACES -- layers are interchangeable, never additive, so the melody is present at every intensity. ambience_stack is the single declared exemption and it carries no melodic material.

Section 11 — Velheim Family Presence

None surfaced by name — the page holds the reveal ladder exactly as the spine does. The excursion's

antagonist form is the devaraja-court official (BE_0005_S4), an un-rowed local analog on BE_0005's

existing Tier-3 rung — the same collapse-monetizing pattern the anchor's datu embodies, recurring on

the mainland with no new operative. He is a fictional un-named insider (no deity-name on a mortal, no

real minister cast as villain) who has decided the empire's decline is his to monetize: diverting the

labor, hoarding the baray water, and selling the sanctuaries, betraying a king remembered for the ethos

that his subjects' suffering was his own. He presents a purely local, opportunistic surface motive, and

— crucially, distinct from the anchor's datu — he is NOT briefed and does not read the protagonist back;

the "enemy who reads back" is the datu, on the sumatra_java page. The House of Velheim does not exist to

the player here (first appears Ch 8); no institutional form, family character, name, pattern, who-frame

agent-noun, Corr/Astrid, Cassius, thesis, or Grand Sage is surfaced. All perception stays Neophyte

(inscription, reverence, lore), never a tier-6 vril-signature read (HL_0028/HL_0017).

Section 12 — All Characters Full Entries

The protagonist's path through the excursion references the spine (CH_05), never duplicating it:

following the ledger north over the Kra portage and up the Tonle Sap, arriving on Angkor Wat's

west-facing moat-causeway and ascending the god-king's mountain the way the pilgrims do, walking and

reading the Churning-of-the-Sea-of-Milk (CH05_B07); embedding among Ta Prohm's great household as a

guest and reading the Bayon's galleries of everyday Khmer life and the Khmer-Cham river-war (CH05_B08);

solving the West Baray flow-puzzle to turn the official's hoarded water back to the fields against the

backdrop of the two-peer river-war, confronting the official and the roused ward-constructs (CH05_B09,

FORK_CH05_A); crossing to the Cham My Son and Po Nagar sanctuaries through a Cham pilot host and then

doubling back down the whole long route to the sea (CH05_B10). NPCs are MetaHuman-first; each entry

carries the persona fields per the entity-persona system.

The excursion's cast is authored un-named at spine scope (per the spine's ruling; personas author at

the quest layer):

• The devaraja-court official (BE_0005_S4) — the fictional un-named collapse-monetizing insider; the excursion sub-boss on BE_0005's Tier-3 rung; un-rowed, un-briefed, does not read the protagonist back; taken alive to answer on the good path, or struck down on the integrity-gated route; his Character_Index persona authored at the quest layer, never a named historical minister
• The Khmer temple-servant / dancer host of Ta Prohm's great household (un-named) — the honored Khmer host through whom the assimilation and relationship layer opens; ally, protected, never a target
• The Cham pilot of the coastal run (un-named, ELEVATED) — the honored Cham host through whom the Champa sanctuary beats play; the war's other peer met with dignity; ally, protected, never a target
• The Kra-isthmus port-audiences (Tambralinga / Grahi tribute figures, role-titled) — the neutral economic-web contacts of the northward traverse
• Carried: the Healer's Child (CHAR_0002, off-screen silent-observation arc, held toward the Ch-13 join)
• Antagonist apparatus (not community): the court official (BE_0005_S4) and the roused temple-guardian constructs (dvarapala, seven-headed naga-balustrade, yaksha — animated ward-objects, never the deities); the Khmer naga, the neak ta and arak, Mahakala, and Po Nagar are revered/protective presences deliberately LEFT, never villainized

Behind that excursion cast sit the region's documented living OFFICES — the roles Khmer and Cham

communities actually fill and refill, each with recorded duties, a procedure or an instrument, and its

own rule of access. Four of them enter the page from the first source this region has processed

[SRC: SRC_00322, p. 243-254], an outside ethnography of the Jahed Cham Muslim community of Kampong

Chhnang, Cambodia, from fieldwork of 1996-2002. Two consequences bind every entry below. First, this

is a MODERN record: these offices seat on the page's ELEVATED modern-Cham block (Section 4) and the

not-yet-pinned modern-revisit consumer (Section 19), and they are not staged as ~1200 excursion scenes;

where an entry is carried forward to the 1200 frame at all, the entry says so in its own words and

marks the carry as authored. Second, the Cham-source grounding obligation recorded in this page's

header is NOT discharged by this record — Trankell is an outside Swedish ethnographer writing about the

Cham, and the obligation still names Po Dharma and the living-community record. Each entry is a role

class rather than a minted character: the ethnography records the office, and the On g'nur and the

Imams are real living authority-titles, so nothing here proposes a name and every instance is authored

fictional and un-named, with naming running later under the naming method. Where the community is

Cambodian-Jahed-specific the entry says Cham (Jahed); where the record scopes a thing Cham-wide it says

Cham. Nothing below is a combat target, an antagonist, or a foil.

The kru khmer — the Khmer forest-herb healer (Khmer)

When illness will not lift, a household sends for the kru khmer, the Khmer traditional healer the

record calls an expert in treating spirit afflictions. His procedure is exactly and only this: he

collected herbs in the forest, boiled them, and prescribed drinking the medicine for seven days

[SRC: SRC_00322, p. 248]. That gather, boil, and timed-regimen loop is the whole attestation and it is

enough — it is a complete, playable Herbalism shape with a named practitioner and a fixed course of

days. The source names no plant, so this page names none either; any species list for a lowland

Cambodian materia must arrive on a separate botanical citation before it is written.

• Personality: competent and unhurried, a craftsman rather than a mystic; he states what he will do and how long it will take, and does not oversell the outcome
• Background: a village-scale practitioner in a healing economy that runs both ways across the Khmer-Cham line — a Cham household sends a sufferer to a kru khmer as far off as Battambang, and in Khmer society the Cham are known to practise magic and are sometimes visited by Khmer wanting to buy that knowledge, the same Cham communities being equally well known for their solidarity and kindness, at times extended to Khmer [SRC: SRC_00322, p. 248, p. 252]. His expertise is scoped by the source to spirit afflictions; that he also treats plain bodily decline is a defensible read of the same passage, where he prescribes a boiled-herb regimen for a physical complaint, and is marked here as a read rather than as the source's own scoping
• Own life and daily routine: authored from the office — a householder with fields and family whose forest rounds are the job, walking out for plants at the hours the plants are worth taking, boiling at home, and carrying the finished medicine to the sufferer's house rather than keeping a surgery
• Relationship surface: he is a door into the region's layered healing economy and a genuinely neutral one, consulted across a community line and holding no faction. What he grants is knowledge of the forest, which is transferable; his regard rides ws.relationship_history and colours the community read rather than opening a second fork
• Three-path outcomes: forage alongside him, keep the seven days honestly, and carry the medicine yourself (generative — the craft opens and the household reads the effort); pay for the finished remedy and move on (neutral); take the plant knowledge and cut the regimen short or resell it (corrosive — the practitioner stops teaching, which is the lesson about what the knowledge is for). Non-gating throughout: no path decides whether the excursion proceeds
• Dialogue hooks: the plain seven-day instruction, given once and not softened; the flat admission that a remedy can help and then the condition return, sending the seeker on; what he thinks of the people across the line who come to buy Cham magical knowledge, and what he thinks of them buying his herbs
• Build notes: MetaHuman; protected non-target; Khmer speech and dress reference. FEEDS T0_Character_Index as a persona row and the T0_School_Registry an herbalist-tradition seed, both un-named pending the naming pass; FEEDS the Trade-4 Herbalism substrate. The 1200 carry is AUTHORED, not sourced: a forest-herb craft-healer is period-plausible for the excursion frame at witness-depth, and this record attests no Angkorian institution of any kind — the page's inscriptional hospital-chapel record stands on Section 4's own citations and never on this one

The On g'nur — the Cham religious-political leader (Cham (Jahed))

The On g'nur is the main religious-political leader of the community, and the record catches him in

open disagreement with it. He mourns the mahandori, the big destruction of the Khmer Rouge years, as

the loss of the true ritual and of Cham civilisation and high culture, and he dismisses the cult the

mediums have revived since as theatre — holding the present mediums in outright contempt, as extremely

unintelligent [SRC: SRC_00322, p. 246]. He is the one exception among the Imams, who otherwise

testified to the ritual's authenticity and justified it as part of Cham society and custom

[SRC: SRC_00322, p. 246]. He is not the antagonist and never becomes one. He is the region's cleanest

demonstration that a community argues about its own sacred practice from inside, with authority on

both sides of the argument.

• Personality: exacting, conservative, unimpressed; grief carried as standards rather than as sorrow, and a contempt he does not trouble to hide
• Background: legitimate religious-political authority whose grounds for judgement are historical — he remembers, or holds the community's memory of, a form of the ritual that was destroyed, and measures the revival against it and finds it short. His office is contested from within by the mediums, who answer to the spirits rather than to him
• Own life and daily routine: authored from the office — the ordinary round of congregational duties, arbitration, and the standing obligations of a leader in a poor province, with the judgement of the cult surfacing whenever a ceremony is proposed and paid for
• Relationship surface: the formal door to the community, distinct from the mediums' informal one, and the two doors do not open onto the same room. Standing with him is earned by taking the loss seriously rather than by taking the mediums' side; his regard opens the congregational and textual surfaces, and never gates the ritual ones
• Three-path outcomes: hear the loss out and let both authorities stand without adjudicating between them (generative — both surfaces stay open); take the historical account, use it, and stay clear of the argument (neutral); side loudly with one against the other, or play the contempt back to the mediums for advantage (corrosive — one door closes and the community reads the meddling). Non-gating: the ceremony content is reachable either way
• Dialogue hooks: the word mahandori and what it is being used to name; the exact charge that the revived rite is performance rather than the true ritual; the question of who decides what is true when the people who knew are dead
• Build notes: MetaHuman; ELEVATED; a real living authority-title, so the instance is fictional and un-named and no real Cham religious leader is ever cast as villain; protected non-target. FEEDS T0_Character_Index. The Khmer Rouge material stays at the witness and audit register this page already carries in Section 4 and is never gameable, never spectacle, and never conflated with the twelfth-century battle content

The Cham spirit-mediums (Cham (Jahed))

The mediums are possessed by and speak for the cay spirits, the royal spirits of ancient Champa; they

sing the pi cay, the sung corpus that carries Cham mythical history and the founding myth of the Cham

King, and they diagnose illness and sorcery by scrutinising the sufferer's chour-sambour, the family

lines on both the father's and the mother's sides [SRC: SRC_00322, p. 245, p. 246, p. 249]. They are

predominantly women, with quite a few men and some children among them, initiated as mediums as the

tradition initiates them [SRC: SRC_00322, p. 251], and they are faithful members of the Muslim

congregation while they serve the royal spirits — a Hindu-substrate royal-ancestor cult living inside

a Muslim community whose Islam is superimposed on a basically Hindu worldview that is recognised as

custom, and whose Imams call the ritual itself prapeni, tradition, using the Khmer word

[SRC: SRC_00322, p. 245, p. 246]. Their standing is socially ambiguous and their dignity is not: they

are congregants, not deviants, and the record reads the cult as transgendered in the sense Morris

calls gender twice over, gender here carrying a statement about something the community holds prior

to it [SRC: SRC_00322, p. 252] — a reading that ships named, never as spectacle.

• Personality: varies by rank and by faction, and the factions are the point — elders slow, sufficient, unwilling to escalate; younger mediums pressing, ambitious, and shut out of the older spirit-stories their seniors guard jealously
• Background: recruited historically from aristocrat-warrior lines, and now increasingly from riess commoners — a caste memory levelled by the war and still spoken of [SRC: SRC_00322, p. 252]. Recruitment is not voluntary in the ordinary sense: the record carries a sitting Imam pressed to abandon his office and become a medium, the spirits having already claimed his wife and his son [SRC: SRC_00322, p. 250]
• Own life and daily routine: ordinary household and congregational life, interrupted by the work — divination for a sick neighbour, a ceremony staged in a shelter raised before the sufferer's house as a public event with snacks sold along its edges and children keeping the rhythm on bamboo stems, and the procession to greet the spirits and honour the King of Champa as the teacher [SRC: SRC_00322, p. 247, p. 249, p. 250]. The work is expensive and the money is part of the persona: a ceremony can run over a million Riel, and a buffalo bought for sacrifice can be sold again when the cure does not come [SRC: SRC_00322, p. 248]
• Relationship surface: the informal counter-authority to the On g'nur, and the surface on which the community's own disputes surface — sorcery accusations between envious neighbours, and the long-established link between poverty and accusation, are read here first [SRC: SRC_00322, p. 248, p. 252]. The player who supports one faction is read by the other; standing propagates through the congregation, never through a faction meter
• Three-path outcomes: attend as a guest, contribute to the cost, and let the elders' sufficiency stand when a rite closes on a spirit that will not give its name (generative — the community opens and the guarded stories start to be told); observe, learn the diagnostic grammar of the family lines, and stay out of the ruling (neutral); press the escalation for the spectacle of it, or trade a neighbour's accusation onward (corrosive — the accusation lands on a real household). Non-gating: nothing here walls the excursion or the region content
• Dialogue hooks: the reading of both parents' lines aloud; the distinction the elders draw between an ordinary ancestor spirit to be fed and invited to depart and a true cay; the memory that UNTAC, the 1991-93 intervention, revived all the spirits that had disappeared in the Khmer Rouge years [SRC: SRC_00322, p. 244, p. 252]; and what the older mediums will not say in front of the younger
• Build notes: MetaHuman; ELEVATED; living practitioners, so gender-role and caste-memory content renders as lived reality and never as exotica, and the child mediums are the tradition's own practice and are not scrubbed on reflex. Rendered at reference register with no reproduction of consecrated performance, per this page's Section 10 exemption. One costume note the record insists on and the build should keep: the sitting Imam and village leader for whom the rite was staged, and whom the mediums held possessed, danced in it in a modern-style jacket and steel-rimmed reading glasses, with a Malay-style black Muslim head dress and an ordinary Cham check-patterned sarong [SRC: SRC_00322, p. 249, p. 250] — a living tradition improvising in the present, not reverent wallpaper. FEEDS T0_Character_Index. The cay spirits themselves are a being-class row and are not authored here. The un-named-spirit motif is Cham folklore and is firewalled absolutely from the antagonist ladder: it is never a who-frame, never a pattern, never a hint

The Imam-scribes and the Cham ancient script (Cham)

The Cham carry a literate learned elite whose work is transmission: Imam-scribes who hand down the

corpus of sacred texts in the Cham's own language and ancient script, copied painstakingly generation

after generation [SRC: SRC_00322, p. 245-246]. That is a centuries-long manual manuscript tradition

and it is under live pressure — free standardised Arabic prayer-books handed out in the villages to

replace the hand-copied ones, and intensive targeting by missionary groups from international Muslim

associations [SRC: SRC_00322, p. 244-245]. The script's name, akhar thrah, comes from this page's own

record of the akhar-thrah and akhar-srak revival digitized under the British Library Endangered

Archives Programme (Section 4), not from this ethnography, which says only the Cham's own language and

ancient script; the name is correct and the attribution is kept straight so no later reader traces it

here. The scribes are scoped Cham-wide rather than to one Cambodian community, because a writing

system is not the property of a sub-group.

• Personality: patient to the point of obsession about the hand, indifferent to speed; a copyist's pride that is about fidelity rather than about beauty
• Background: the literate stratum of a community whose religious authority runs partly through text, holding an office that is inherited as a skill and not as a seat. His pressure is not persecution but supply: something free, uniform and printed arriving to do the same job worse
• Own life and daily routine: authored from the office — congregational duties, teaching the letters to whoever will learn them, and the copying itself done in the hours it can be done, page by page against a corpus that is never finished
• Relationship surface: the textual door, distinct from both the On g'nur's formal one and the mediums' informal one. He is the region's most transferable teacher — literacy given is literacy kept — and he is the one who can say what the community's texts actually contain
• Three-path outcomes: learn the letters, or help keep a copy alive by doing the work of copying (generative — the textual surface opens and the school seed roots); read the manuscripts as artefacts and record them (neutral); treat the corpus as saleable or as a curiosity to be carried off (corrosive, and hard-lined against desecration — a living script taken as loot). Non-gating throughout
• Dialogue hooks: the two books side by side, one printed and free and one copied by a named hand; what generation after generation actually costs in hours; the plain question of what is lost when the letters stop being written
• Build notes: MetaHuman; ELEVATED for the living endangered heritage; portray the manual transmission as a real intellectual achievement under real modern pressure, never as backwardness. FEEDS T0_Character_Index as a persona row, the T0 language and script registry as a Cham script row scoped Cham-wide, and the T0_School_Registry a Cham textual-transmission seed — carried as FEEDS, asserted nowhere. Both the script tradition and the pi cay are L2 civilizational marks of a living people, never the achievement of a vanished one

No quest_type is assigned anywhere in this section: entity rows carry no quest_type field, and per-seed

typing against the ratified §6.5 enum belongs to the Section-13 seed-stub pass. Every office above is a

FEED to the typed layer, not a claim on it, and no office is fused with the excursion's antagonist

apparatus, which stays exactly where Section 11 puts it.

Section 13 — Quest Framework, All Questline Types

Beat structure, fork shapes, SQ stages/gates, and spatial requirements COME FROM the spine's typed

graph (the §10 beats CH05_B07–B10, the §10b FORK_CH05_A, the §11 SQ rows, and the §3b sites). The

page adds excursion-scope quest dressing, the side-quest seeds, and the convergence-node feed notes.

Main Story: the excursion beats — the god-king's-mountain arrival and the Churning read (CH05_B07,

angkor_wat); the Bayon-and-Ta-Prohm assimilation and war-galleries read (CH05_B08, bayon_taprohm); the

West Baray flow-puzzle, the roused ward-constructs, the official, and the 1177 two-peer river-war

(CH05_B09, west_baray, FORK_CH05_A); and the Cham My Son / Po Nagar sanctuary and the doubling-back

(CH05_B10, myson_champa). 22 Threads advancing on the excursion: Thread 2 (the Khmer protective/dynastic

naga set beside the anchor's Naga Padoha), 5 (the Angkor temple-mountain as Meru cosmogram, LINK_0185),

7 (Angkor Wat's peer-reviewed measured cosmology), 13 (the quincunx-and-concentric-mandala plan and the

West Baray geometry, LINK_0121 deepened), 17 (the Old-Khmer Grahi 1183 and the Cham Dong Yen Chau

inscriptions, the cross-cultural inscription comparison widening), 18 (the Angkor temple-mountain climb),

and the chapter-ambient 20/22 (the looted sanctuary images; the Angkor sandstone-laterite and Cham

brick). SQ index: SQ4 mystery_detective (ADVANCE, the lead reaching the court), SQ11 lost_civilizations

(SEED, the hydraulic empire), SQ1 fairy_tale_folklore (ADVANCE, the Khmer naga / neak ta / krasue-ap

touch). Trades: an Engineering (Trade 8) echo-seed through the baray hydraulics. Folklore Combat: the

roused ward-constructs (objects, never deities); the krasue/ap an L2 touch, never a boss. School

Curriculum: the Angkorian temple-university seed (Ta Prohm as Rajavihara).

Excursion-scope side-quest seeds (each with premise, NPC, integrity implication via the direction

vocabulary, reward):

• The ledger's northward reach — premise: following the sold-strait ledger from the peninsular portage into the god-king's court to name the same collapse-monetizing pattern; NPC the Kra port-audiences (role-titled); integrity implication: expose the court apparatus cleanly (generative) vs keep the court-ledger's leverage as your own (corrosive); reward the collapse-monetizing intel traced to the court
• The baray flow-puzzle and the returned water — premise: reading the inlet-reservoir-sluice-rice-grid hydrology to turn the official's hoarded water back to the fields; NPC the Khmer temple-household host; integrity implication: restore the water and unseat the official to answer (generative) vs settle it transactionally leaving the court's bargain standing (neutral); reward the hydraulic-empire lore and the FORK_CH05_A community read
• The Cham sanctuary and the honored peer — premise (ELEVATED): meeting the war's other peer through a Cham pilot at My Son and the living Po Nagar pilgrimage, reading the Dong Yen Chau inscription as among the oldest attestations of an Austronesian language; NPC the Cham pilot host; integrity implication: meet the Cham with dignity as a builder-culture with a holy city of their own (generative) vs read the sanctuary as loot (corrosive, hard-lined against desecration); reward the Champa maritime-mandala lore and the Cham-source grounding
• The Churning read — premise: walking and reading the ~49 m Churning-of-the-Sea-of-Milk bas-relief as documented iconography (Vasuki the churning-rope, Mount Mandara the rod, Vishnu at the center, the apsaras rising); NPC none (a read-the-wall beat); integrity implication: the L3 held-catastrophe rhyme felt never declared; reward the Meru world-axis literacy (LINK_0185)

L1 fun-beat seed (SEED — feeds the pending minigame/vehicle frameworks (Josh-pending); non-gating;

invents no named canon): the baray pirogue boat-race premise — the still-built Khmer racing-pirogue

tradition already grounded on the page (Section 6) and the West Baray water surface (the west_baray

zone) seed an opt-in boat-race off the baray, a timed vehicle activity for standing and reward,

offered never forced. Authorial note only (era-honest naming): the living Bon Om Touk water festival

is the lineage of the racing-pirogue form and is NOT surfaced in-world at the ~1200 frame — the

festival name is a modern authorial reference here, never an in-world scene.

Convergence-node feed notes: FORK_CH05_A's Angkor/Khmer community read persists as

ws.community_state_per_region with forward_track none (no authored modern-revisit read node; the

consumer is not yet pinned — a recorded design obligation, not an invented one); the corrosive route's

sustained-corrosive reading feeds ws.integrity_score + ws.reputation_biography_propagation; path_bucket

UNLOCKED (the Ch 65 lock).

Modern-revisit-frame quest seeds (the Cham community strand, ELEVATED)

The first processed source on this page's shelf is an ethnography of a living Cham royal-spirit cult in

Kampong Chhnang province, Cambodia, fieldworked intermittently between 1996 and 2002 [SRC: SRC_00322,

print p. 244]. Its material is a post-1980s revival, so every seed below sits in the modern-revisit

frame and none is surfaced as a ~1200 scene; the era-present excursion seeds above are unchanged by

them. Three of the four author as quest seeds here; the fourth is region-page substrate and routes

elsewhere. Per-seed quest_type is not assigned here — the §6.5 enum is ratified ACTIVE T1 canon and

per-seed typing is ruled by spine role at the §7.5 stub (CG-21), so what follows carries harvest

seed-kinds and routing only.

• The restaged royal-spirit ceremony (festival / daily-immersion seed) — premise: the player attends a public spirit-ceremony held in a shelter raised in front of the sufferer's house, a shelter that stands for both the Champa royal palace and the barge on which the King of Champa went to war against the Vietnamese, with banners and weapons set out as signs of power [SRC: SRC_00322, print p. 249]; women sell snacks and drinks along the edges, children keep the royal orchestra's beat on bamboo stems laid on the ground, and the mediums process to greet the spirits and to honour the King of Champa as the teacher [SRC: SRC_00322, print pp. 247, 249-250]. NPCs: the community's mediums and the household hosting the rite. Playable surface: buy food along the edge, take up a bamboo and hold the rhythm, watch the procession — participation is offered, never required, and refusing costs nothing. Integrity implication: attend as a guest who pays his way and keeps the beat (generative) vs treat the rite as a spectacle to be harvested (corrosive). Reward: standing with the household and the Section 10 music substrate (the sung pi cay register, ginang and saranai). Render at reference register — the consecrated performance is referred to, never reproduced.
• The spirit that will not name itself (encounter seed) — premise: an exorcism-divination cannot close because the possessing spirit refuses to give its name; the mediums split openly, the younger pressing to escalate the demands until the name is yielded — the escalation reaching the demand that the sufferer, a sitting Imam, give up his office and become a medium himself — while the elders hold that the agreed sacrifice already suffices and rule the presence an ordinary ancestor spirit rather than a true royal cay, to be invited to enjoy the offering and depart [SRC: SRC_00322, print pp. 248, 250]. NPCs: the contending mediums — most of them women, a good number of them men, and some of them initiated as children [SRC: SRC_00322, print p. 251] — and the sufferer's household. This is a social and ritual encounter, not a boss — the folklore encounter-facet without a folklore-combat body. Integrity implication: read the room and steady the elders' resolution (generative) vs feed the escalation for the spectacle of a forced name (corrosive). Reward: SQ1 fairy_tale_folklore advance and access to the spirit-stories the senior mediums guard. Multi-path and no-dead-end are structural: the rite closes on every route, and the player may decline to intervene at all. Author the sufferer and every medium as un-named fictional instances.
• The kru khmer's forest brew (trade-expression seed, Trade 4 Herbalism) — premise: a Khmer traditional healer, an expert in treating spirit afflictions, collected herbs in the forest, boiled them, and prescribed drinking the medicine for seven days [SRC: SRC_00322, print p. 248]. That gather, boil and timed-regimen loop is the whole of what the source attests and it is enough for a real Herbalism node: forage, decoct, dose across days, and get an honest partial outcome that can send the seeker on to the next counsel. NPC: an un-named fictional kru khmer instance, a respected craft-healer and never a foil to any other path. Authoring constraint: this source names no plant, so the materia list must come from a separate ethnobotanical citation for lowland Cambodia before the node authors species — generic herbs would be the thin version, and inventing named ones here would be worse. Home-base Herbalism roots later in the arc; this is seed-level substrate for Sections 2 and 14.
• Declined here and queued elsewhere: the modern-Cham-communities block enrichment (the Jahed and the cult's near-erasure in the mahandori and its post-1980s revival, the bilateral chour-sambour kinship read in divination, and the aristocrat-warrior versus riess caste memory levelled by the war) is region-page substrate, not a quest seed. Its own routing is Sections 4 and 19 [SRC: SRC_00322, print pp. 245-246, 249, 251-252], and it is queued for those sections; whether they took it cannot be asserted from here.

Cross-community routing for the three seeds above: they share one honest exchange rather than a Cham

exoticism. In Khmer society the Cham are known to practise magic and are sometimes visited by Khmer

wanting to buy their knowledge, and the same page records the Cham communities as well known for their

solidarity and kindness, at times extended to Khmer, alongside the long-established link between poverty

and sorcery accusation [SRC: SRC_00322, print p. 252] — the honest engine visible in operation when

neighbours turn on a man out of envy over his new mosque [SRC: SRC_00322, print p. 248]. Both halves

ship together or the strand becomes the sinister-sorcerer-race trope. Cham households also cross the

line the other way to consult a kru khmer in Battambang [SRC: SRC_00322, print p. 248], so the healing

economy runs in both directions. The community's own self-naming is neak sre neak prey, people making

a living from fields and forest [SRC: SRC_00322, print p. 252]. This is the T12 oracle-and-divination

weave (link_type knowledge-transmission); both of its ends are peoples of this same region, Cham and

Khmer, so it opens no reciprocal entry on another page and none is asserted.

Care and grounding notes binding on these four: the frame is modern-revisit and the 1200 excursion

seeds are untouched by it; the specificity ships undiminished (the contested mediums, the child

mediums who are the tradition's own practice, the caste memory, and the money — a ceremony costing

more than one million Riel [SRC: SRC_00322, print p. 248]) because thinning it would be the defect,

not the safeguard; the un-named-spirit motif is Cham folklore and is firewalled from any antagonist

reading elsewhere in the arc. The spirit-cult material reads as the tradition's own and stays behind

the vril firewall — nothing race-mystical, and no player-facing debunk of a living faith. The

theatre-state reading of ritual that constitutes authority rather than merely depicting it is

authorial grounding for the staging, never a lecture delivered to the player [SRC: SRC_00322, print

pp. 243, 249]. And landing this source does NOT discharge the page's Cham-source grounding

obligation: it is an outside ethnographer's field record, however sympathetic, and the obligation

names Po Dharma and the living-community record — that gap stays open.

The three modern-frame seeds above are candidate content for the not-yet-pinned modern-revisit

consumer recorded in the convergence-node feed note; they do not pin it, and none of them alters a

spine-owned beat, fork, boss verb, axis, phase, or SQ routing.

Section 14 — Trade Skills, Detailed Content

Home-base trade content: none roots on the excursion (it is a there-and-back waypoint, no returnable

home). The excursion deepens two substrates already seeded at the anchor, each with a trade-source and

Book-of-Trades entries:

• Trade 8 Engineering — the Angkor baray-and-canal hydraulic empire and the temple-mountain stone-construction as the deepest echo-seed of the arc so far (the West Baray flow-puzzle is playable Engineering-as-physics); the home base roots far later at Ch 27, and this echo rhymes forward with the Ch 6 Sri Lanka tank-cascade (LINK_0187, Sri Lanka predating)
• Trade 2 Mining — the Angkor sandstone-and-laterite quarry-and-canal transport (Phnom Kulen to the site) and the Cham fired-brick craft as material echo-seeds; the home base roots at Ch 19

A third substrate is page-seeded rather than anchor-carried, and is the one line on the excursion that

now stands on a processed source rather than on deep-research alone:

• Trade 4 Herbalism — the Trade-4 Herbalism substrate already declared at Section 2; verified against T0_Trade_Registry as TRADE_04, whose ancient home base is Ch 7 (South India) and whose modern home is Ch 50 (Amazon), so nothing roots here and this stays seed-level

Trade-4 Herbalism — the kru khmer's gather-and-boil line

The attested craft loop is three steps and no more. A kru khmer, a Khmer traditional healer, collected

herbs in the forest, boiled them, and prescribed drinking the medicine for seven days [SRC: SRC_00322,

p. 248]. That gather-boil-timed-course structure is the whole of the source's account and is enough to

seat a real Herbalism node: a forage round, a preparation step, and a course of days that runs while

the player does other things rather than resolving on the spot. The same passage scopes the healer's

expertise to spirit afflictions specifically; the case it records is a physical decline treated with

that regimen, so reading the practice as covering bodily illness as well is an inference from the

passage and not the source's own scoping, and the page states it that way.

The pharmacopoeia is not in this source. SRC_00322 names no plant at any point, and the flood-forest

and paddy-margin materia the page discusses at Section 2 stands on the page's own botanical authority,

not on this record. Any gather table that names species must take them from a separate ethnobotanical

citation for lowland Cambodia, which is a recorded acquisition obligation for the trade pass and not a

gap to fill by inference. The honest register for the node comes from the record too: the sufferer it

follows does not stop at one remedy, so the boiled course is written as a remedy that helps for a time

without being the last word, never as a failure and never as a cure that closes the search

[SRC: SRC_00322, p. 248].

Frame discipline on this substrate. SRC_00322 is a modern ethnography of Cham and Khmer village life,

and its kru khmer is a living practitioner recorded in the present, not a claim about 1200. What

carries into the era-present node is the craft structure, which is era-neutral; the modern instance,

its cash outlays, and the layered search around it are queued to Section 19 as modern-revisit material

and are not played as ~1200 content. The trade-source NPC is authored un-named at page scope, a

respected craft-healer of standing in his own right and never a foil set up to be corrected by another

kind of medicine.

Two-way specialist economy (ELEVATED where the Cham are named). The record shows the healing trade

crossing the community line in both directions: one Cham man's search for a cure, settled on by his

village, carries him to a Khmer kru khmer in Battambang who is an expert in treating spirit

afflictions, and Khmer in turn seek out Cham esoteric expertise and pay for it [SRC: SRC_00322,

p. 248, 252]. The framing the source itself holds carries with it — the same page records the Cham

communities' solidarity and kindness to each other in difficulty, a kindness at times extended to

Khmer, and records the Cham naming themselves neak sre neak prey, people making a living from fields

and forest — so the trade reads as reciprocal specialist exchange between two peoples known on this

page for their work first, never as a sinister-magic-people trope, and the page keeps both halves or

neither [SRC: SRC_00322, p. 252]. Landing this source does not discharge the Cham-source grounding

obligation on the elevated surfaces; Po Dharma and the living Cham community record still carry it

(Section 16).

The ten-trade content is otherwise seed-level on the excursion; detailed home-base content FEEDS the

trade registries as the cascade reaches the trade-home chapters.

Section 15 — Cross-Regional Connections

Connections, each citing its Cross_Cultural_Link_Graph row AND carrying that row's own link_type — the

characterization is per-link, never a blanket:

• angkor_khmer → South India (Ch 7): the Meru world-axis LINK_0185 (link_type knowledge-transmission) — the shared Indic axis-mundi form transmitted along the trade web with independent local authorship at each realization (Angkor the largest Khmer realization, an author not a passive recipient); the SEA1 Meru link originates here toward Ch 7
• angkor_khmer ← Bali (Ch 4): the flying-viscera-witch LINK_0186 (link_type parallel-independent) — the Khmer/Thai krasue/ap floating-viscera-head received here as a parallel-independent convergence with the Bali leyak (its true formal cognate), a shared cosmological category crossing the Austroasiatic/Austronesian language line, never a diffusion claim
• angkor_khmer → Sri Lanka (Ch 6): the hydraulic-achievement LINK_0187 (link_type parallel-independent) — the Angkor baray set beside the Sri Lanka tank-cascade as parallel-independent achievement, and because the Sri Lankan tanks PREDATE the baray any directional-diffusion claim would run backwards; originates here toward the Ch-6 read node
• angkor_khmer → the weaving-progression set: the architecture-proportion weaving LINK_0121 (toward the Egyptian peak, Ch 15) is deepened by Angkor's quincunx-and-concentric-mandala plan and the West Baray geometry, and the guardian-at-the-gate weaving LINK_0129 (toward South India, Ch 7) by the Angkor temple-guardian iconography — both originated at the anchor's Borobudur and carried forward here

The page's first processed source opened one further connection. It carries a substrate anchor and no

Cross_Cultural_Link_Graph row, and it is written as such rather than assigned an id the registry has

not minted:

• Cham → Khmer, inside this page's own two-peoples scope (thread 12, the oracle/divination thread; significance lens C5; frame documented-transmission, not parallel-independent): an esoteric-knowledge exchange that runs from the minority Cham to the Khmer majority and is bought. In Khmer society the Cham are known to practice magic, and Khmer visitors sometimes come to buy that knowledge [SRC: SRC_00322 — Ritual Works and Practices: A Case Study from a Muslim Community in Cambodia, print p. 252, the source relaying Vickery 1984]. What separates this from the parallel-independent rows above is that the record documents knowledge actually moving: there is a direction, an agent, and a price. Because both ends sit within this region page's own scope rather than pointing at another region, it opens no outward edge and mints no LINK_ row
• The source's own both/and binds any surfaced text built on it. The same page records the Cham communities as well known for their solidarity and for kindness to one another in difficulty, a kindness at times extended to Khmer neighbours, and it records the link between poverty and sorcery that anthropology has long established — which the record shows in operation when a mosque-builder reports that people from the neighbouring villages, envious of his success in raising the new mosque, are after him and have attacked him with their bad spirits and sorcery [SRC: SRC_00322 — Ritual Works and Practices, print pp. 248, 252]. Carry both halves or the exchange collapses into the sinister-sorcerer-race trope, which §17.1 forbids at the collective grain. Carry with it the community's own self-naming from print p. 252 — neak sre neak prey, people making a living from fields and forest — the name the community takes from its work rather than from its reputation
• Frame separation binds as it does everywhere this source is used. SRC_00322 is a modern ethnography, its fieldwork carried out in Kampong Chhnang province intermittently between 1996 and 2002 [SRC: SRC_00322 — Ritual Works and Practices, print p. 244], so the exchange lands first in the ELEVATED modern-Cham-communities block (Sections 4/19) and in the modern-Cham revisit surface, which has no consumer pinned to it yet. At the ~1200 frame it is carried only at witness-depth, as the period-plausible antecedent of a divinatory specialism sought across the Khmer-Cham line, never as a dated 1200 attestation

The connective yield of that first source is deliberately thin, and stating it plainly is the honest

record: one weave survived audit out of the record's four, and it is a cross-community link inside

this page's scope rather than a link to another region. The audit also rules explicitly that landing

SRC_00322 does not discharge the Cham-source grounding obligation on the elevated surfaces — the

source is an outside ethnography, however sympathetic, and the obligation names the Cham historian

Po Dharma and the living-community record (Section 16). That obligation stands.

Reciprocation discipline binds: each claimed link is reciprocated at its target as the target pages are

cut (the LINK_ rows are the machine tie; a page-side claim without a reciprocal target row is a defect).

Serpent-thread continuity (Thread 2): the Khmer naga is the protective/creative/dynastic pole — the

seven-headed naga-balustrade causeway, the Kaundinya-Soma foundation myth, Vasuki as the churning-rope

— a catalog-convergence within documented Indic transmission, distinct from the anchor's parallel-

independent Austronesian Naga Padoha, and never a slain monster. The Velheim pattern echo: held dark at

page grain — felt through the court official's monetizing of a collapse, never named.

Section 16 — Academic References and Books to Acquire

Every citation carries its use_class (SUBSTRATE · ESOTERIC-PRIMARY · AUTHORIAL-REBUTTAL · REFERENCE ·

TONE · DUPLICATE · FRINGE-SKIP). The RCM Ch 5 section still carries NO Khmer/Cham per-culture block — a flagged

build-time RCM addition (open gap) — and the Angkor and Champa depth remains deep-research-grounded on

the four research files (angkor_city, khmer_cham_war, cham_living, khmer_myth_care) and the scholarly and

Cham-voiced anchors they cite. What has changed is that the queryable corpus is no longer empty for this

region: ONE deep-read source is now audited and processed, and it is a living-Cham source. The elevated

Cham surfaces carry the Cham-source grounding obligation, and it is NOT discharged by that source — see

the obligation accounting below.

Processed substrate (the queryable corpus; audited deep-read records in docs/book_extractions):

• Trankell, "Ritual Works and Practices: A Case Study from a Muslim Community in Cambodia" — a twelve-page ethnography of the Jahed Cham Muslim community of Kampong Chhnang, Cambodia, on the cay/cai royal-spirit possession-and-healing cult (Trankell/Ovesen fieldwork 1996-2002); the audited harvest feeds the ELEVATED modern-Cham-communities block (Sections 4/19) with the cult and its post-1980s revival, the spirit-mediums including initiated child mediums, the On g'nur as religious-political office, the Imam-scribes and the hand-copied manuscript tradition, the bilateral chour-sambour kinship read in divination, and the aristocrat-warrior versus riess caste memory; the kru khmer forest-herb healer to the Section-2/14 Herbalism substrate; and the Cham-to-Khmer trade in divinatory expertise routes to Section 15 as queued LINK basis (thread T12 oracle/divination); the harvested material sits at print pp. 243-252 [SRC: SRC_00322] · SUBSTRATE
• Retrieval and anchor convention, binding on every SRC_00322 citation anywhere on this page: the article runs print pp. 243-254 and the extraction is paginated from the PDF, where PDF page N = print page N + 242 (re-derived across all twelve pages against the running heads). This page cites PRINT pages. A citation given in PDF numbering is an anchor-drift defect, not a formatting preference.
• Scope caveat carried with it: this is a MODERN study of a post-Khmer-Rouge revival. Its substrate belongs to the modern-Cham block and the not-yet-pinned modern-revisit consumer, never composited into the 1200 scene; only period-plausible antecedents cross into the CH_05 frame, and each of those needs its own period citation rather than riding this record.

Priority anchors (deep-researched; the MUST-ACQUIRE hard scholarly authorities to buy or deep-research

before any canon flip are flagged):

• Coedes, The Indianized States of Southeast Asia — the standard scholarly frame for the Khmer state (already an owned RCM Tier-1 source for Ch 5; recommend cross-listing to this page) · SUBSTRATE
• Higham, The Civilization of Angkor — the Angkor keystone (the hard anchor behind the war and hydraulic-city material; MUST-ACQUIRE / deep-research before canon flip) · SUBSTRATE
• Chandler, A History of Cambodia — the Khmer historical frame · SUBSTRATE
• Groslier (the "cite hydraulique" thesis) with Fletcher / Pottier / Evans / Kummu (the Greater Angkor Project remote-sensing resolution) and Buckley et al. 2010 and Penny et al. 2018 (the megadrought / systemic-vulnerability decline) — the hydraulic-city anti-fringe centerpiece · SUBSTRATE
• Evans, Pottier, Fletcher et al., PNAS 2007 and 2013 (the comprehensive archaeological map and the LiDAR campaigns) — the "real, dated, mapped Khmer city" anti-fringe anchor · SUBSTRATE
• Mannikka, Angkor Wat: Time, Space, and Kingship, and Stencel/Gifford/Moron 1976 (Science) — the peer-reviewed measured cosmology (use for the equinox alignment; NOT the fringe numerology) · ESOTERIC-PRIMARY
• Kulke, The Devaraja Cult, and Vickery (Society, Economics, and Politics in Pre-Angkor Cambodia; Champa Revised) — the god-king correction and the Indianization revision (carried as CONTESTED) · SUBSTRATE
• Po Dharma (the Cham historian) — Le Panduranga (Campa) 1802–1835 and the Champa-as-multiethnic-coalition and survival-to-1832 corrections — the Cham-voiced anchor the grounding obligation names (MUST-ACQUIRE / deep-research; still unprocessed) · SUBSTRATE
• Maspero, Le royaume de Champa, and Golzio, Inscriptions of Campa — the Champa scholarly authorities behind the war and sanctuary material (MUST-ACQUIRE / deep-research before canon flip; Maspero's unitary-kingdom model superseded by Po Dharma) · SUBSTRATE
• Ferrari et al., "Nautical Angkor" (2017), and the Bayon / Banteay Chhmar relief corpus — the two-peer war-galley primary iconography · SUBSTRATE
• Minority Rights Group, "Cham in Cambodia," and Kiernan, The Pol Pot Regime — the modern-Cham and Khmer-Rouge audit-register anchors (Kiernan witness-depth only, OUT of the 1200 era) · SUBSTRATE
• Cham Studies (the Cham-diaspora scholarly home) and the British Library Endangered Archives Programme EAP531 (Cham manuscript preservation) — Cham-forward living-community sources, and the standing citation for the akhar-thrah and akhar-srak script names (Section 4) · REFERENCE
• Zhou Daguan, A Record of Cambodia (~1296, Peter Harris tr.) — the only first-person eyewitness of Angkorian daily life, used for infrastructure/material-culture texture only and NOT as a literal 1200 snapshot (the religious/political particulars are 1296) · TONE
• Geertz, Negara: The Theatre State in Nineteenth-Century Bali, with Anderson, Language and Power, and Bell, Ritual: Perspectives and Dimensions — the ritual-constitutes-power reading applied to the royal-spirit ceremony; AUTHORIAL scaffolding for the L3 layer, never a player-facing framing and never a claim that the Cham rite exists to illustrate a theory · REFERENCE
• A lowland-Cambodia ethnobotany or Khmer traditional-medicine authority (not yet identified; MUST-ACQUIRE / deep-research) — the Herbalism trade node needs named species for the gather-and-boil loop, and the processed source names no plant at all · SUBSTRATE

The Cham-source grounding obligation — accounting, because this is the first time the page has a

processed source to account against. SRC_00322 HELPS: it is Cham-centred, it carries the community's own

self-naming and its own voice on its own practice, and it lets the modern-Cham block stand on fieldwork

rather than on summary. It does NOT DISCHARGE the obligation, and the audit ruled so explicitly. Trankell

is an outside Swedish ethnographer writing about the Cham, however closely and sympathetically; the

obligation names a Cham scholarly voice (Po Dharma) plus the living-community record, and Po Dharma

remains unprocessed. Contract gap CG-29 (Champa source grounding, book-gated) stays OPEN, and no

downstream pass may cite the landing of this record as closing it.

Verify list. The hard Angkor and Champa authorities (Higham, Coedes, Maspero, Golzio, Po Dharma) remain

the buy/deep-research targets before any canon flip, and the popular-web relief descriptions used for

texture are corroborated against them. Three citation-hygiene rules attach specifically to SRC_00322, so

that no later reader traces a claim to a source that does not carry it: the Angkorian temple-hospital

(arogyasala) material belongs to the Jayavarman-VII period record and takes its own period citation,

never this one; the eventual Vietnamese conquest of Champa is real history the page does not hide, but it

is a separate fact under a separate authority and is not carried by this record; and the akhar-thrah and

akhar-srak script names come from the EAP531 and Cham-forward line above, not from this ethnography,

which names the script only as the Cham's own. The RCM Khmer/Cham gap is still an open build-time

obligation. Rabbit holes (minimum five): the "hydraulic city" irrigation-vs-ritual debate and the

megadrought decline; Angkor Wat's west-orientation (funerary vs Vishnu vs archaeoastronomy); the Bayon

face-tower identity (Lokeshvara vs the king vs fusion); the devaraja "god of the kings" correction; the

1177 river-war and its both-peers reciprocal-raiding cycle; the living Cham communities' Balamon /

Bani / Sunni / Imam-San distinctions, matriliny, and the Kate and Thap Ba Po Nagar festivals; and the

Cham royal-spirit cult's own historical memory of the 1991-93 UNTAC period as the moment the spirits

returned [SRC: SRC_00322, print p. 252].

Section 17 — Unreal Engine 5.8 Build Specifications

Registry data lands as DataTables (one C++ USTRUCT per registry: this page's Zone Catalog, the

BE_0005_S4 sub-boss row, the region-ambient creature rows). PCG consumes the Zone Catalog + DataTables

(Load Data Table → attribute sets) to scatter the monsoon-and-flood-forest, the baray-fed paddy grid,

the Tonle Sap flood-forest shore, and the temple-plain approach. The Landscape import runs the Python

path (the C++ shim where stock Python falls short) over the Section-1 DEM tiles (the West Baray

rectangle and dikes, the Angkor Wat moat, the Tonle Sap flood shore, and the My Son valley as carve

recipes). The scene row (SC_CH05_churning_and_turned_water) drives Sequencer (the Churning read and the

returned-water branch-decision cutscene). The three-seam routing governs which agent surface executes

which step (NeoStack = judgment, UE-native Python/Remote-Control = bulk/CI, Epic MCP = PCG). MetaHuman

batch generation round-trips Epic's cloud for any principals promoted at the quest layer (the

excursion cast is authored un-named at spine scope per Section 12, so Step 7 finds zero named targets

until a quest-layer promotion); background factions and the un-named Khmer and Cham hosts use the

Crowd/modular actor path. ws.* worldstate keys (the mark/state surface) bind to the save subsystem.

Localization-ready discipline binds from the first string: every player-facing string lands in string

tables (FText/String Table flow), never hard-coded — including the Khmer and Cham cultural vocabulary

(baray, mebon, dvarapala, naga, apsara, kalan, devaraja, arogyasala, dharmasala; Kaundinya, Vasuki,

Bhadresvara, Po Nagar), which carry glossary entries so the ship-everywhere localization does not

flatten the traditions' own terms. Performance budget: platform-tiered frame/triangle/draw-call

budgets; LODs on the temple terraces, the face-towers, the Ta Prohm root-system, and the flood-forest

foliage; World Partition streaming across the open baray and the temple plain; the protected sacred

sites (Angkor Wat, the Bayon, Ta Prohm, My Son, Po Nagar) are referenced type-accurate set-dressing

and compositions, never high-poly hero reproductions of the actual temples, and never staged as

loot-arenas.

Section 18 — Time Period and Fluctuation Design

The present frame is fixed: Angkor at its ~1200 CE imperial zenith — Jayavarman VII reigning near his

peak, Angkor Thom and the Bayon under active construction, Angkor Wat ~50 years old and Vaishnavite, the

1177 Cham war freshly won and the Khmer campaigns into Champa ongoing to ~1203, Mahayana Buddhism

ascendant with Theravada emerging, the hydraulic city at its greatest extent. Backward era-glimpses

reach the Angkor foundation strata (the ninth-century Jayavarman II / Phnom Kulen deep-time and the

earlier baray-building) as legible history, never mystery. Forward strata — the fourteenth-and-

fifteenth-century monsoon megadrought decline, the elite drift out of Angkor Thom, and the 1431

Ayutthaya episode (a punctuation mark in a gradual, multi-causal decline, never a sudden "vanished

civilization"), and on the Cham side the 1471 fall of Vijaya and Champa's survival-to-1832 arc — are

DESIGN-LAYER context only, reached at most as time-fluctuation windows and never composited into the

1200 present; the region is an early node, so switching is site-cued (the temple-mountain, the baray)

rather than the free Vimana travel of the late arc. The Cham modern strata (the living communities and,

at witness-depth only, the twentieth-century Khmer Rouge genocide, ELEVATED) are held strictly out of

the 1200 scene per the standing high-care flag — never anachronistically imported, never spectacle.

Section 19 — World State Versions, Modern Revisit

After Vimana activation (Ch 55) the player revisits the world from the air and sees the

integrity-mapped world states. The DERIVED texture bands are {Truly Good · Good Enough · Drifting · Evil

· Pure Evil (terminal)}; the world-state NAMES are {Luminous · Restored · Neutral · Damaged · Corrupted}

(Neutral exists only as the WS3 world-state name, never a band or ending label); endings resolve by the

Ch-65-locked path_bucket {TRULY_GOOD, GOOD_ENOUGH, EVIL}. At Ch 5 the region runs integrity L3 Drifting

/ world-state WS3 Neutral, path_bucket UNLOCKED (the lock is far ahead at Ch 65).

The Angkor/Khmer revisit consumer is NOT yet firmly pinned: the spine carries the Angkor/Khmer community

read (FORK_CH05_A) with forward_track none, no authored modern-revisit read node. The page records the

open consumer as a design obligation rather than inventing one: the community's read (the water returned

and the household respected / a transactional coldness / an extraction mark) and the court apparatus's

disposition are the read-surface whenever a consumer lands, reception varying by the Ch-5 path_state,

non-gating throughout (recognition opens or alters aid and lore, never a wall).

The modern-Cham revisit surface is the ELEVATED audit-register: a living, surviving, dignified people

(the Balamon, Bani, Sunni, and Imam-San communities, matriliny, the Kate and Thap Ba festivals, the

script revival), with the twentieth-century Khmer-Rouge history handled at witness-depth and never as

spectacle — the survival-and-revival arc, not erasure. The page's first processed corpus source lands

directly on that surface and gives it substance. SRC_00322 is an ethnography of the Jahed Cham of

Kampong Chhnang province, Cambodia, from fieldwork of 1996-2002 — a self-naming Cambodian Cham group

that stands alongside the communities named above and is never merged into any of them; its citations

here are the article's own print pages, pp. 243-254, and its SRC id is queued for declaration, with its

use_class, in Section 16. Its subject is the cay (cai) cult: the royal spirits of the ancient kingdom of

Champa, invoked in possession by predominantly female mediums, with some male mediums and some children

initiated into the office, and chief among the spirits the King of Champa, venerated as the teacher

[SRC: SRC_00322, p. 245; p. 247; p. 250; p. 251]. The community's Islam sits over a Hindu-substrate

worldview the record describes as recognised simply as custom — a living palimpsest held by present-day

practitioners, not an archaeological survival [SRC: SRC_00322, p. 245].

The cult as documented is a revival rather than an unbroken continuity, and that is exactly the shape a

revisit surface wants. The record has it in decline through the 1960s, all but extinct under the Khmer

Rouge regime of 1975-79, and increasing in popularity since the 1980s to a near-weekly ceremonial round;

the Imams testify to the revived ritual's authenticity and to the initiated as true mediums, naming the

practice with the Khmer term prapeni, tradition [SRC: SRC_00322, p. 246]. The mediums' own historical

memory holds that UNTAC, the United Nations intervention of 1991-93, revived the spirits that had

disappeared in the Khmer Rouge period — a modern folk-memory in which an international intervention

restores the spirit-world alongside the political one, and precisely the kind of modern-strata material

that belongs in this section and never in the 1200 scene [SRC: SRC_00322, p. 244; p. 252]. Who holds the

office changed with it: recruitment ran historically from aristocrat-warrior descent and now runs

increasingly from riess, citizen commoners, the caste memory levelled by the war [SRC: SRC_00322,

p. 252]. Render the revival as present-tense practice improvising in the present rather than as reverent

wallpaper — the afflicted village Imam dancing in the rite in a modern jacket and steel-rimmed reading

glasses identical to the visiting anthropologist's is the register [SRC: SRC_00322, p. 250].

The community is internally contested at full volume, and the revisit read carries that contest rather

than smoothing it. The On g'nur, the community's main religious-political leader, stands alone against

the Imams' verdict: he mourns the mahandori, the big destruction of the Khmer Rouge years, as the loss

of the true ritual and of Cham civilisation and high culture, and dismisses the revived cult as theatre

performed by extremely unintelligent mediums. The mediums in turn split openly among themselves, the

younger escalating their spirits' demands as far as requiring a sitting Imam to give up his office for

the medium's — his wife and his son already claimed by the spirits — while the old and experienced

mediums refuse to give up their authority, and the spirit-stories jealously guarded in the cult stay

hard for the younger initiates to reach [SRC: SRC_00322, p. 246; p. 250; p. 252]. Both offices are real

living titles, so the page authors only fictional un-named instances and casts neither end as villain;

the contest is legitimate on both sides. The money is part of the same honest register and is never

softened into either squalor or exotica: 90,000 Riels spent at the Calmette hospital in Phnom Penh on

heart medication that did not work, over a million Riel for a single ceremony, 600 US dollars still owed

to the mosque builders, and a buffalo bought for sacrifice and then sold [SRC: SRC_00322, p. 248].

The 1200 frame's routing rule — all malevolence through the fictional court official — does NOT extend

into this block, and importing it here would be a scrub. The record hands the causes over in plain

sight, and they are structural and community-internal rather than conspiratorial: aid vehicles passing

through and leaving nothing but dust while villagers ask what the International Community's plans for

them are [SRC: SRC_00322, p. 244]; pressure to conform to Arab Muslim standards, with free standardised

prayer-books displacing the hand-copied ones [SRC: SRC_00322, p. 244-245]; logging work across the

railway in country infested with mines and malaria under the financial and political demands of

remaining Khmer Rouge cadres, the women's roadside drink-and-snack earnings destroyed when travel halted

after the 1997 coup, and the military's new claim on as much as a third of the rice-fields

[SRC: SRC_00322, p. 253]. The community's own moral reading of its condition — that it must pray more

and improve its karma because the Cham have done sinful things in the past — sits beside those causes

rather than being corrected by the game [SRC: SRC_00322, p. 245], as does the long-established link

between poverty and sorcery accusation [SRC: SRC_00322, p. 252], which is the working engine behind

neighbours turning on a man out of envy over his new mosque [SRC: SRC_00322, p. 248]. Build those. A

hidden hand invented to spare the community its own agency would be both false and duller than the

documented truth.

The script revival the block already names has its living stake here too: the Cham's literate elite of

Imam-scribes hands down the corpus of sacred texts in the Cham's own language and ancient script,

hand-copied generation after generation, and the pressure on it now is free printed Arabic prayer-books

replacing the handwritten ones [SRC: SRC_00322, p. 245-246]. The name akhar thrah is the region page's

own, from the British Library Endangered Archives record, and not this source's — cite it there.

Landing SRC_00322 does NOT discharge the Cham-source grounding obligation on the elevated surfaces:

this is an outside ethnographer's account, sympathetic and detailed, and the obligation named in the

header still runs to Po Dharma and the living-community record. That gap stays open and is stated here

rather than quietly counted as closed.

Visual differences per state follow the two-axis model at that consumer. Modern Velheim presence per

state: none surfaced at this region (reveal-ladder-safe).

Section 20 — Session Planning and Source Guide

This section is the build-gating record for the region: which source feeds which authoring session,

what state the retrieval layer is in, and what is honestly still closed. Pass-2 changes one thing

materially. The page was cut with no processed source at all; the angkor-khmer shelf now carries ONE,

deep-read and audited — SRC_00322, Ing-Britt Trankell's ethnography of the Jahed Cham Muslim community

of Kampong Chhnang, Cambodia (fieldwork 1996-2002 with Jan Ovesen), centred on the cay/cai royal-spirit

possession-and-healing cult. Its audit verdict is RATIFY-WITH-CUTS-AND-HOLDS: of the 18 typed rows in

the four status-bearing classes, 13 advance, 3 are HELD by critic MAJORs and 2 were cut, with a further

2 civilizational_marks carrying no status field at all and resolvable only from the record's own

care_findings. The Region Identity header was refreshed to name SRC_00322 at this assemble pass; the deep-research

grounding it names is not superseded, because the new source is a modern ethnography and touches almost

none of the 1200 frame.

Page-anchor convention (binding on every session that cites this source)

SRC_00322 is a journal chapter whose PDF and print numbering differ by a fixed offset, re-derived

across all 12 pages at audit: print page N = PDF page N minus 242. The article runs print pp. 243-254.

CITE PRINT PAGES throughout, in the page's own convention — [SRC: SRC_00322, p. 248]. Two consequences

for a session at the retrieval console. First, the stored chunk metadata carries PDF-relative

page_start and page_end, so a retrieval hit that reports p. 1 is print p. 243; convert before you cite,

or the citation will be off by 242. Second, PDF p. 1 carries the article title block and no printed

numeral, so print p. 243 — cited only by L3_02 — is inferred from the offset rather than read off the

page. It resolves, and the audit confirmed every other citation on the record resolves to the print

page it names, so this shelf carries no anchor drift of the kind the bali and sumatra passes found.

Query-readiness

The T0_Source_Material_Registry declares SRC_00322 at 23 chunks, ocr_method native_text — no

OCR-recovery path, nothing quarantine-flagged. The 23 chunks are present in book_substrate under

distinct chunk_ids, so this shelf did not take the chunk_id-collapse failure. The region tag applied by

the 2026-07-19 substrate retag is angkor_khmer with an underscore, while the extraction shelf and the

manifest use angkor-khmer with a hyphen; a region-filtered retrieval must be issued against

angkor_khmer or it returns nothing, and the substrate-region ruling means region-filtering is

mandatory, not optional. Two registry-hygiene items owed at the assemble pass: the row's

extraction_status still reads deep_read_extracted where the record reads deep_read_audited, and the

row's source_title is the filename stub 443 1 4217 1 10 20140825 rather than a bibliographic title

while source_author and source_year are blank — so a title lookup against the registry returns a

plausible-looking non-title, and the record's provenance note is where the real bibliography lives.

Per-section population plan (the 13 advanced rows)

The plan is per-session, not per-source: a session opens one section, pulls the named rows, and stops

at the section boundary. Nothing below reaches the ~1200 CE present frame as scene material — the cult

as documented is a post-Khmer-Rouge phenomenon, so this source's home is the ELEVATED modern-Cham block

and the not-yet-pinned modern-revisit node, with 1200-frame use limited to witness-depth or to

separately-cited period-plausible antecedents.

• Sections 4 and 19 (the ELEVATED modern-Cham block) — the largest consumer. S04 carries the Jahed

whose Islam layers over a worldview named simply custom, prapeni; the cult's near-erasure in the

mahandori and its post-1980s revival to near-weekly ceremonies; the bilateral chour-sambour kinship

scrutinised in divination; and the aristocrat-warrior versus riess caste memory levelled by the war

[SRC: SRC_00322, p. 245-246, p. 249, p. 251-252]. EC_03 the On g'nur, the Cham religious-political

leader who mourns the mahandori as the loss of the true ritual and dismisses the revival as theatre

[SRC: SRC_00322, p. 246], and EC_04 the mediums — predominantly female, some male, some children

initiated as mediums — join the same session [SRC: SRC_00322, p. 245, p. 251-252]. L3_03, the

mediums' own memory that UNTAC revived all the spirits that had disappeared, is Section 19's

[SRC: SRC_00322, p. 252].

• Section 5 (spiritual traditions and occult) — EC_01, the cay/cai royal spirits of ancient Champa, the

chief among them venerated as the teacher, their history sung in the pi cay

[SRC: SRC_00322, p. 245, p. 247, p. 250-251]; and L3_01, the Hindu-substrate royal-ancestor cult

surviving inside a Muslim congregation [SRC: SRC_00322, p. 245-246]. EC_01 routes to

T0_Creature_Roster at species_class folklore with the §2.6c authenticity firewall already enforced on

the row: living documented tradition, not a Western cryptozoology construct, revered and LEFT.

• Sections 2 and 14 (herbalism trade) — S05 and EC_02, the kru khmer. The whole attestation is that he

collected herbs in the forest, boiled them, and prescribed drinking the medicine for seven days

[SRC: SRC_00322, p. 248]. The gather-boil-timed-regimen loop is fully grounded; the plant list is not,

and the audit's MINOR stands — no plant is named anywhere in the source. A Section-2/14 session must

bring a separate ethnobotanical citation for lowland Cambodia before it writes named materia, and the

source scopes the kru khmer to spirit afflictions specifically, so any widening to bodily illness is

the build's inference and not the source's scoping.

• Sections 10, 13 and 12 (music, quests, cast) — S02, the royal-spirit ceremony staged in a shelter

raised before the host's house, with banners and weapons set out as signs of power, women selling

snacks along the edges, and children keeping the royal orchestra's beat on bamboo stems laid on the

ground [SRC: SRC_00322, p. 247, p. 249-250]; and S03, the exorcism-divination in which the possessing

spirit refuses to give its name and the elders rule it an ordinary ancestor spirit rather than a true

cay [SRC: SRC_00322, p. 248, p. 250]. Both render at reference register: the consecrated performance

is referenced, never reproduced. S03 carries a standing authorial firewall — the un-named-spirit motif

is the tradition's own ritual mechanic and must never bleed into the antagonist reveal ladder in any

surfaced text.

• Section 15 (cross-regional) — W02 only, the single surviving weave of four, thread T12 verified by

name against the roster: the Cham are known in Khmer society to practise magic and are sometimes

visited by Khmer wanting to buy their knowledge [SRC: SRC_00322, p. 252]. It ships with the same

page's both/and or it becomes the sinister-sorcerer-race trope — the Cham are also known for

solidarity and kindness extended to neighbours, poverty and sorcery accusation are long-linked, and

the community's own self-naming on that page is neak sre neak prey, people making a living from

fields and forest.

• Sections 4 and 16 (script and transmission) — EC_05, the Imam-scribe elite hand-copying the sacred

corpus in the Cham's own language and ancient script, now displaced by free standardised prayer-books

[SRC: SRC_00322, p. 245-246]. The name akhar thrah is correct but is NOT attested in this source; it

comes from this page's own British Library EAP531 revival citation, and a session must attach that

citation rather than letting a Swedish ethnography stand as the name's source. EC_05's culture is

Cham-wide, not Jahed — the script is not a sub-group's property.

• Section 8 (politics) — L3_02 only, and authorially: ritual does not merely express power but creates

it, the theatre-state reading in which processions and signs of power constitute authority in the act

of performing it [SRC: SRC_00322, p. 243, p. 249, p. 251]. This is grounding for the page's own

ritual-kingship staging, never a player lecture.

Five audit corrections each session carries rather than re-derives. Four are citation-coverage: add

print p. 249 to S04 (chour-sambour), p. 251 to EC_01 (male and child mediums), p. 251 to L3_02 (Bell

1997:136) and p. 244 to L3_03 (the UNTAC dating). The fifth is attribution: S04's care_flag conflates

two self-naming communities as the Jahed/Cham Bani strand, which this source does not attest — name the

Jahed alone and ground any Bani distinction on the page's own Po Dharma citation. Separately, the two

civilizational_marks on this record carry no status field at all, so a Section-4 or Section-16 session

reads the record's care_findings before consuming either: both were verified and kept, with one wording

trim — the pi cay preserves Cham mythical history and the founding myth of the Cham King, not a

dynastic history.

The specificity that must reach the surface undiminished is a routing instruction, not a licence to

trim: the record's care_findings enumerate it in full, and a session that softens it is committing the

scrub rather than exercising care. None of it is protected content and all of it is the community's own

— the On g'nur's contempt for extremely unintelligent mediums, the mediums' open factional fight and

the demand that a sitting Imam abandon his office, the transgendered gender-twice-over reading, the

child mediums, the caste memory, the spirit-stories older mediums guard from younger ones, the sorcery

accusations between envious neighbours [SRC: SRC_00322, p. 248], and the money, of which the failed

90,000-Riel heart medication is the anchored instance [SRC: SRC_00322, p. 248]. The same rule binds

causation. The documented causes here are structural and community-internal — aid vehicles leaving

nothing but dust [SRC: SRC_00322, p. 244], pressure to conform to Arab Muslim standards and free

prayer-books displacing the hand-copied ones [SRC: SRC_00322, p. 244-245], the long-established link

between poverty and sorcery accusation [SRC: SRC_00322, p. 252], and the military's claim on as much as

a third of the rice-fields [SRC: SRC_00322, p. 253] — and the true-cause clause forbids replacing them

with an invented puppet-master. The 1200 frame's antagonist routing through BE_0005_S4 does not travel

into the modern block.

Open items carried forward

• Three rows are HELD by critic MAJORs and must not reach the page in any form, including paraphrase,

until they are re-audited. S01, the Cham healing-path questline, imported a period arogyasala

temple-hospital that the source never contains — the only hospital in twelve pages is the modern

Calmette hospital in Phnom Penh [SRC: SRC_00322, p. 248]. The fix is re-label, not removal: state the

modern triad as the source has it, mediums and kru khmer and hospital, and give any Angkorian

temple-hospital its own separate citation. S06 inverted its own cited page, which attests the King of

Champa going to war rather than a later loss, with defeat and conquer returning zero hits across the

source; the direction of that correction must survive so the error is not repeated, and the eventual

Vietnamese conquest is real history that is not to be hidden but needs its own citation. W04 asserted

a Khmer-Cham neak ta link the source does not carry — neak ta occurs exactly once, at print p. 248,

where the beings named are Chinese ancestor spirits angered by a mosque built over a former Chinese

cemetery. The Khmer-Cham sharing of that register is probably true and worth having; it needs a cited

Khmer-side attestation from a different source.

• Two weaves were cut at audit and stay cut: the theatre-state parallel, whose far end is Geertz's

model rather than a cited tradition and which is correctly homed at L3_02 instead, and the

religious-layering parallel, whose far end names no tradition and carries no citation. Section 15

does not resurrect either without a new source.

• The RCM Ch 5 section still carries no Khmer/Cham per-culture block. Landing SRC_00322 does not close

that gap; it remains an open build-time RCM addition, and this page still rests largely on the four

deep-research files (angkor_city, khmer_cham_war, cham_living, khmer_myth_care) rather than on

processed substrate.

• The Champa Cham-source grounding obligation (CG-29) REMAINS OPEN. SRC_00322 helps and is welcome, but

Trankell is an outside Swedish ethnographer writing about the Cham, however sympathetically, and the

obligation names Po Dharma and the living-community record. Landing this record must not be read as

discharging it.

• Section 16 now owns a new gate condition. SRC_00322 is the first SRC id cited anywhere on this page,

so the region_pages gate's use_class rule bites here for the first time: every SRC id cited on the

page must be declared in Section 16 on a line carrying its use_class in explicit bracket form. Every

other section simply cites normally.

Build-ready date: still gated on the MUST-ACQUIRE hard authorities (Higham, Coedes, Maspero, Golzio,

Po Dharma) for the Angkor and Champa depth, on the RCM Khmer/Cham section, and now additionally on an

ethnobotanical source for lowland Cambodia before the Section-2/14 Herbalism node can name its plants.

The pre-existing deep-research population plan stands unchanged for the 1200 frame: Sections 1, 7 and 9

draw the Greater Angkor Project, Groslier and Evans hydraulic and mapping anchors with the

Coedes/Chandler/Higham Khmer frame; Sections 4 and 5 draw the Kulke/Vickery devaraja correction and the

Kaundinya-Soma and Reamker traditions, with Po Dharma and the My Son and Po Nagar record on the

elevated Cham surfaces; Section 6 draws the Nautical Angkor vessel iconography and the Bayon and

Banteay Chhmar relief corpus; the modern-Cham session draws Po Dharma, Minority Rights Group and

Kiernan at witness-depth, now joined by SRC_00322 as its first processed source. The machine layer

(Zone Catalog, Derived Indexes, the FORK_CH05_A / BE_0005_S4 / scene rows) is build-ready now against

the v3.1 spine. The v1.0 book-cost fields are superseded by the closed acquisition ledger.

Generated by harness/site/structure_site.py — the URL path is the repo path. review root